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First published in 1989, just before the Gulf War broke out, Republic of Fear was the only book that explained the motives of the Saddam Hussein regime in invading and annexing Kuwait. This edition, updated in 1998, has a substantial introduction focusing on the changes in Hussein's regime since the Gulf War. In 1968 a coup d'état brought into power an extraordinary regime First published in 1989, just before the Gulf War broke out, Republic of Fear was the only book that explained the motives of the Saddam Hussein regime in invading and annexing Kuwait. This edition, updated in 1998, has a substantial introduction focusing on the changes in Hussein's regime since the Gulf War. In 1968 a coup d'état brought into power an extraordinary regime in Iraq, one that stood apart from other regimes in the Middle East. Between 1968 and 1980, this new regime, headed by the Arab Ba'th Socialist party, used ruthless repression and relentless organization to transform the way Iraqis think and react to political questions. In just twelve years, a party of a few thousand people grew to include nearly ten percent of the Iraqi population. This book describes the experience of Ba'thism from 1968 to 1980 and analyzes the kind of political authority it engendered, culminating in the personality cult around Saddam Hussein. Fear, the author argues, is at the heart of Ba'thi politics and has become the cement for a genuine authority, however bizarre. Examining Iraqi history in a search for clues to understanding contemporary political affairs, the author illustrates how the quality of Ba'thi pan-Arabism as an ideology, the centrality of the first experience of pan-Arabism in Iraq, and the interaction between the Ba'th and communist parties in Iraq from 1958 to 1968 were crucial in shaping the current regime. Saddam Hussein's decision to launch all-out war against Iran in September 1980 marks the end of the first phase of this re-shaping of modern Iraqi politics. The Iraq-Iran war is a momentous event in its own right, but for Iraq, the author argues, the war diverts dissent against the Ba'thi regime by focusing attention on the specter of an enemy beyond Iraq's borders, thus masking a hidden potential for even greater violence inside Iraq.


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First published in 1989, just before the Gulf War broke out, Republic of Fear was the only book that explained the motives of the Saddam Hussein regime in invading and annexing Kuwait. This edition, updated in 1998, has a substantial introduction focusing on the changes in Hussein's regime since the Gulf War. In 1968 a coup d'état brought into power an extraordinary regime First published in 1989, just before the Gulf War broke out, Republic of Fear was the only book that explained the motives of the Saddam Hussein regime in invading and annexing Kuwait. This edition, updated in 1998, has a substantial introduction focusing on the changes in Hussein's regime since the Gulf War. In 1968 a coup d'état brought into power an extraordinary regime in Iraq, one that stood apart from other regimes in the Middle East. Between 1968 and 1980, this new regime, headed by the Arab Ba'th Socialist party, used ruthless repression and relentless organization to transform the way Iraqis think and react to political questions. In just twelve years, a party of a few thousand people grew to include nearly ten percent of the Iraqi population. This book describes the experience of Ba'thism from 1968 to 1980 and analyzes the kind of political authority it engendered, culminating in the personality cult around Saddam Hussein. Fear, the author argues, is at the heart of Ba'thi politics and has become the cement for a genuine authority, however bizarre. Examining Iraqi history in a search for clues to understanding contemporary political affairs, the author illustrates how the quality of Ba'thi pan-Arabism as an ideology, the centrality of the first experience of pan-Arabism in Iraq, and the interaction between the Ba'th and communist parties in Iraq from 1958 to 1968 were crucial in shaping the current regime. Saddam Hussein's decision to launch all-out war against Iran in September 1980 marks the end of the first phase of this re-shaping of modern Iraqi politics. The Iraq-Iran war is a momentous event in its own right, but for Iraq, the author argues, the war diverts dissent against the Ba'thi regime by focusing attention on the specter of an enemy beyond Iraq's borders, thus masking a hidden potential for even greater violence inside Iraq.

30 review for Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq (Updated Edition)

  1. 4 out of 5

    فهد الفهد

    جمهورية الخوف نشر كنعان مكية كتابه هذا سنة 1989 م، تحت اسم مستعار هو سمير الخليل، كانت الحرب العراقية الإيرانية قد انتهت لتوها، وصدام لم يصبح عدواً للجميع بعد، فلذا صار هذا الكتاب مهماً جداً بعدما غزى صدام الكويت، ووضع بلده في وجه مدافع 34 دولة سنة 1990 م. يحاول مكية في هذا الكتاب تحليل مسيرة حزب البعث في العراق، وكيف قبض على السلطة بيد حديدية، وقضى على كل منافسيه، وهو يعتمد في هذا الكتاب على دراسات وإحصائيات تتناول الحالة العراقية، مورداً قصصاً مرعبة عن التعذيب والتصفية تحت الحكم البعثي. الكتاب جمهورية الخوف نشر كنعان مكية كتابه هذا سنة 1989 م، تحت اسم مستعار هو سمير الخليل، كانت الحرب العراقية الإيرانية قد انتهت لتوها، وصدام لم يصبح عدواً للجميع بعد، فلذا صار هذا الكتاب مهماً جداً بعدما غزى صدام الكويت، ووضع بلده في وجه مدافع 34 دولة سنة 1990 م. يحاول مكية في هذا الكتاب تحليل مسيرة حزب البعث في العراق، وكيف قبض على السلطة بيد حديدية، وقضى على كل منافسيه، وهو يعتمد في هذا الكتاب على دراسات وإحصائيات تتناول الحالة العراقية، مورداً قصصاً مرعبة عن التعذيب والتصفية تحت الحكم البعثي. الكتاب ليس تأريخاً بقدر ما هو دراسة للعنف والسلطة، وللأيديولوجية البعثية، وبرأيي الكتاب مهم جداً، وخاصة فصله الأخير الذي يتناول الحرب العراقية الإيرانية بالتحليل، مقارناً بينها وبين الحرب العالمية الأولى، ومعتبراً تلك الحرب أول حرب عظمى تدور رحاها في العالم الثالث.

  2. 4 out of 5

    David

    This book was a pretty effective indictment of Saddam Hussein, by an Iraqi, who, if I'm not mistaken, started out as a Trotskyist and ended up some kind of liberal democrat. Makiya, who taught at Brandeis of all places for an Arab, was one of the drum-beaters for Gulf War II. What he thinks about it now, I do not know. The Republic of Fear was written well before the invasion. This book was a pretty effective indictment of Saddam Hussein, by an Iraqi, who, if I'm not mistaken, started out as a Trotskyist and ended up some kind of liberal democrat. Makiya, who taught at Brandeis of all places for an Arab, was one of the drum-beaters for Gulf War II. What he thinks about it now, I do not know. The Republic of Fear was written well before the invasion.

  3. 4 out of 5

    Ahmed Faiq

    بقول علي الوردي -وليس الكلام هنا بالنص-ان من طبائع الشعوب، ان تذكر وتبالغ في تعديد مساوئ حكامها الحاليين مع تناسي هذه المساوئ والسيئات لحكامها السابقين. هذا يبدو كلاما علميا دقيقا قد يوضح الصورة في العراق اليوم، لكن برأيي من غير الصحي على العراقيين نسيان نظام صدام، نسيان كل تلك السوداوية والخوف، نسيان "السيد الرئيس القائد" الذي حكم وملك العراق، اذ حتى ان اسم العراق اقترن باسمه وصرنا عندما نسافر -بعد سقوطه طبعا- ونذكر اسم العراق نفاجئ من المقابل ب "اوه....صدام حسين!!!" من هنا تنبع أهمية هذا الكتا بقول علي الوردي -وليس الكلام هنا بالنص-ان من طبائع الشعوب، ان تذكر وتبالغ في تعديد مساوئ حكامها الحاليين مع تناسي هذه المساوئ والسيئات لحكامها السابقين. هذا يبدو كلاما علميا دقيقا قد يوضح الصورة في العراق اليوم، لكن برأيي من غير الصحي على العراقيين نسيان نظام صدام، نسيان كل تلك السوداوية والخوف، نسيان "السيد الرئيس القائد" الذي حكم وملك العراق، اذ حتى ان اسم العراق اقترن باسمه وصرنا عندما نسافر -بعد سقوطه طبعا- ونذكر اسم العراق نفاجئ من المقابل ب "اوه....صدام حسين!!!" من هنا تنبع أهمية هذا الكتاب، هذا الكتاب فيه من المادة الكثير الذي يجب ان يوضع في مناهج التدريس العراقية لكي يعرف كل طفل وشاب عراقي اليوم ماذا كان يجري في العراق، على الرغم من أن الكتاب غير موف ولن يستطيع حتى غيره أن يرسم الصورة كاملة عن عراق البعث. مع الاسف فأن العراق لايزال مادة خام لدراسة نظريات العنف والبحث عن ايجاد اسباب كل هذا الشر والحقد والعواطف السلبية، كمية القتل وإراقة الدماء منذ فجر التاريخ لاتزال تبحث عن الأسباب الحقيقية، ومع كل هذا يبقى نظام صدام طفرة، وكل ما حصل هنا غير قابل للتحليل وللوصول الى المسببات. نحو كل هذا وفي سبيل الوصول الى هذه المسببات يأتي كتاب "جمهورية الخوف" ليضع نظرية الخوف، التي رسمها وخطط لها صدام في سبيل استقرار حكمه، وكيف قارن الكاتب بينه وبين الحجاج الذي كان من اشهر من استطاع ان يسيطر على دفة القيادة في العراق تاريخيا وأوجه الشبه بينه وبين صدام، مع الكثير من الاحداث التاريخية وسرد الوقائع وتحليل حرب إيران، وكيف ان فوضى تلك الحرب هي من ابرز الدلائل على أن كل ما كان يجري وكل تلك الأرواح التي كانت تزهق هي مجرد قربان لاستمرار ذلك الحكم الدموي.

  4. 5 out of 5

    Naeem

    I have been thinking about whether to include books in which I have only read a chapter or two. Since I use this space as an archive, I have decided to add a new shelf: "read some of it." I dreaded reading this because the book is an artifact used by the US government to attack Iraq the first time. Still I really need to find what I am looking for. I am looking for citations that provide evidence for the how Iraq used its oil profits after 1973. There is plenty of work on how it used some of thos I have been thinking about whether to include books in which I have only read a chapter or two. Since I use this space as an archive, I have decided to add a new shelf: "read some of it." I dreaded reading this because the book is an artifact used by the US government to attack Iraq the first time. Still I really need to find what I am looking for. I am looking for citations that provide evidence for the how Iraq used its oil profits after 1973. There is plenty of work on how it used some of those profits for weapons and upgrading its military. But not much on improving literacy, education, health care, social services, etc. Makiya does provide some of that. He is quite even handed. In part he has to be. He wants to make an argument about how the Baath party not only used force and fear to control Iraqis but also used oil profits to produce a kind of Stalinist progress in Iraq. But in the chapter I read (Baathism and the Masses, chapter 3), he seems somewhat gracious. By the way, this is an internalist analysis. By this I mean, most of the causes for Iraq's predicament are seen by Makiya as within Iraq. So if you are looking for that, this is the book. The writer is very smart if a bit naive on western liberalism.

  5. 5 out of 5

    أحمد فتحى سليمان

    a must- read كتاب هام و متميز للغاية .. يرسم كنعان مكية فى كتابه الصادر 1989 (عندما كان صدام بطلا عروبيا) صورة ترفع الغموض الذى اسدل على تجربة حزب البعث فى العراق .. خلال فصول الكتاب كثيف المعلومات نرى صورة مكبرة لما كان يحدث فى عراق صدام حسين و كيفية صعود حزب البعث (العبثى ) وسيطرته على البلاد ثم الحرب الايرانية العبثية التى ازهقت ارواح قرابة المليون بلا مبرر و خرج منها الجميع (عدا سماسرة السلاح واعادة التعمير ) صفر اليدان الى توقع انحلال النظام البعثى و اسقاطة البلاد فى فوضى عارمة .. يمكن تصن a must- read كتاب هام و متميز للغاية .. يرسم كنعان مكية فى كتابه الصادر 1989 (عندما كان صدام بطلا عروبيا) صورة ترفع الغموض الذى اسدل على تجربة حزب البعث فى العراق .. خلال فصول الكتاب كثيف المعلومات نرى صورة مكبرة لما كان يحدث فى عراق صدام حسين و كيفية صعود حزب البعث (العبثى ) وسيطرته على البلاد ثم الحرب الايرانية العبثية التى ازهقت ارواح قرابة المليون بلا مبرر و خرج منها الجميع (عدا سماسرة السلاح واعادة التعمير ) صفر اليدان الى توقع انحلال النظام البعثى و اسقاطة البلاد فى فوضى عارمة .. يمكن تصنيف الكتاب كتاريخى ولكنه سياسى و فكرى بذات الدرجة ويستحق ان يكون على قائمة القراءة على اى حال .

  6. 4 out of 5

    David McMahon

    A well formed examination of Iraqi Ba'thism from an insider who is thankfully free of the usual post colonial guilt. It's slow going due to the sheer volume of detailed information but I did not lose interest at any point. A well formed examination of Iraqi Ba'thism from an insider who is thankfully free of the usual post colonial guilt. It's slow going due to the sheer volume of detailed information but I did not lose interest at any point.

  7. 5 out of 5

    Corey Toomey

    Interesting stuff that taught me alot about Baathism and Iraq while it was under Saddam's regime that operated on that political ideology. The downside, however, is that it's sort of dry and insipid and failed to hold my attention for an extended period of time. Interesting stuff that taught me alot about Baathism and Iraq while it was under Saddam's regime that operated on that political ideology. The downside, however, is that it's sort of dry and insipid and failed to hold my attention for an extended period of time.

  8. 4 out of 5

    Rich

    Superbly written by an individual that witnessed the atrocities of the Bath Party first hand.

  9. 4 out of 5

    Peter Ager

    Heavy going but enlightening

  10. 4 out of 5

    Ibrahim Sahab

    رائع ودقيق وموثّق. والتوثيق هو ماكان ينقص أغلب الكتب التي تكلمت عن عهد صدام وحزب البعث في السبعينات والثمانينات وتوجد فصول تحتاج إلى تركيز شديد واعادة قراءة للمهتم في نشأة حزب البعث وأفكاره في الشام والعرق بتحليل جيد من الكاتب وأيضا عن الحرب العراقية الإيرانية وتحليل مسبباتها من جانب العراق وحزب البعث " لقد اختار صدام حسين أن يبدأ حرب لأسباب لن يستطيع أي محلل اثباتها. ويستطيع المرء، مثلا أن يجادل بقناعة حول خطر الشيعة في العراق أو تصدير ايران للثورة داخل العراق أو الصراع حول الأراضي" اقتباس من الكت رائع ودقيق وموثّق. والتوثيق هو ماكان ينقص أغلب الكتب التي تكلمت عن عهد صدام وحزب البعث في السبعينات والثمانينات وتوجد فصول تحتاج إلى تركيز شديد واعادة قراءة للمهتم في نشأة حزب البعث وأفكاره في الشام والعرق بتحليل جيد من الكاتب وأيضا عن الحرب العراقية الإيرانية وتحليل مسبباتها من جانب العراق وحزب البعث " لقد اختار صدام حسين أن يبدأ حرب لأسباب لن يستطيع أي محلل اثباتها. ويستطيع المرء، مثلا أن يجادل بقناعة حول خطر الشيعة في العراق أو تصدير ايران للثورة داخل العراق أو الصراع حول الأراضي" اقتباس من الكتاب بتصرّف ومن ثم يأخذك بجولة حول عقلية صدام حسين ويحللها. والكتاب صدر من عام ١٩٩٨ أي قبل الغزو ب ٦ سنوات يوجد مرجع بالتواريخ جيّد نهاية الكتاب للعراق من عام ١٩١٨ حتى ١٩٩٦ نزعة الكاتب اليهودي تظهر في بعض الأحيان ولكني أجدها طبيعية منه كيهودي عربي ولم أتقبلها

  11. 4 out of 5

    Mohammed Majeed

    ينضح هذا الكتاب من بين ثناياه كمية من الخوف والالم لحقبة مظلمة من حياة هذا الشعب البائس الذي دجن بالحديد والنار وكيف ثنيت الوسادة لحزب استقى وتشرب افكاره من اسوأ فترة بلشفية بماركة ستالينية صانعا عالم كافكوي طغى على مجتمع متماسك لايخاف وحاله الى ركام حوله الى مجتمع خائف يترقب اعدامه او تسفيره بتهمة التبعية او تغييبه في غياهب الجب بتهمة التجسس او تهم اخرى مصنعة بقوالب جاهزة مجرد تغيير الاسم مسدلة الستار على تمثيلية انتهت بعد ان فككت هذا المجتمع المتماسك الى مجتمع مقطع الاوصال يشي الاخ بأخيه ويخاف ينضح هذا الكتاب من بين ثناياه كمية من الخوف والالم لحقبة مظلمة من حياة هذا الشعب البائس الذي دجن بالحديد والنار وكيف ثنيت الوسادة لحزب استقى وتشرب افكاره من اسوأ فترة بلشفية بماركة ستالينية صانعا عالم كافكوي طغى على مجتمع متماسك لايخاف وحاله الى ركام حوله الى مجتمع خائف يترقب اعدامه او تسفيره بتهمة التبعية او تغييبه في غياهب الجب بتهمة التجسس او تهم اخرى مصنعة بقوالب جاهزة مجرد تغيير الاسم مسدلة الستار على تمثيلية انتهت بعد ان فككت هذا المجتمع المتماسك الى مجتمع مقطع الاوصال يشي الاخ بأخيه ويخاف الاب من ابنه كتب هذا الكتاب قبيل انتهاء الحرب العراقية الايرانية مما اعطاه رونق خاص كونه كتب في الفترة المظلمة .

  12. 4 out of 5

    Tommy Yao

    "The Republic of Fear" as Christopher Hitchens once said, is probably the most appropriate appellation for Ba'athist Iraq under Saddam Hussein. One of the most interesting observations I had while reading this book is just how much Ba'athism as a political doctrine under Saddam very much resembled a Leninist Party-state. Saddam's Ba'athism extended vertically, down to the village level, and horizontally, across every level of society. Makiya captures this utterly relentless repression that Sadda "The Republic of Fear" as Christopher Hitchens once said, is probably the most appropriate appellation for Ba'athist Iraq under Saddam Hussein. One of the most interesting observations I had while reading this book is just how much Ba'athism as a political doctrine under Saddam very much resembled a Leninist Party-state. Saddam's Ba'athism extended vertically, down to the village level, and horizontally, across every level of society. Makiya captures this utterly relentless repression that Saddam imposed on the country.

  13. 4 out of 5

    ظامئ

    يصلح الكتاب لمعرفة كيف يعم الظلم وكيف تشارك الحشود والجماهير في العنف، وكيف يُمأسس ويطبّع العنف في الحياة في ظل النظم الشمولية الدكتاتورية.. اتخذ الكتاب من تاريخ البعث العراقي نموذجاً لما ذكرت أعلاه وكيف ثبّت البعث شرعيته عبر الإعدامات الجماعية والعلنية ليس لهدف إلا إشراك الجماهير بحيث تصبح - من غير وعيٍ منها- شريكة في الجرم..

  14. 4 out of 5

    Robert

    I don't think much of Makiya, one of the architects of the Iraq War, but this is an excellent description of the nightmarish totalitarianism of Saddam's Baathist state by someone who was embroiled in its highest ranks. I don't think much of Makiya, one of the architects of the Iraq War, but this is an excellent description of the nightmarish totalitarianism of Saddam's Baathist state by someone who was embroiled in its highest ranks.

  15. 4 out of 5

    Asmaa Elwany

    كتاب مرهق جدا قرأته على فترات متباعدة كالعادة فى كل قراءة جديدة عن العراق معلومات جديدة من الصعب على المنطق والعقل استيعابها

  16. 5 out of 5

    Harry

    Dry as the deserts of Iraq.

  17. 4 out of 5

    Andrew Daniels

    One of the most upsetting books I've ever read Still, good! One of the most upsetting books I've ever read Still, good!

  18. 5 out of 5

    Joseph Stieb

    An odd, dense, abstrusely written but occasionally insightful book about the nature of Baath ideology and Saddam Hussein's regime. The first 100 pages or so explain how fear and violence defined politics in Baathist Iraq. He explains how SH put the various security organizations in place, the roles they play, and how they have pursued the totalitarian goal of atomizing the individual, undermining traditional authorities like the family, and then reuniting society purely on the basis of loyalty a An odd, dense, abstrusely written but occasionally insightful book about the nature of Baath ideology and Saddam Hussein's regime. The first 100 pages or so explain how fear and violence defined politics in Baathist Iraq. He explains how SH put the various security organizations in place, the roles they play, and how they have pursued the totalitarian goal of atomizing the individual, undermining traditional authorities like the family, and then reuniting society purely on the basis of loyalty and fear towards the state. He also shows how the state grew vastly in size and how in the 1970's the Baath sort of bribed Iraqis into political silence by providing a high standard of living. This, of course, backfired on the Iraqi people later on. The book then shifts into a very abstract, somewhat tedious exploration of Baathism's relationships to socialism, Islam, the masses, pan-Arabism, and other topics. This is where Makiya the theorist is most at home, but it makes for a slog of a read. Makiya's most interesting point overall is similar to George Packer's chapter in The Assassin's Gate called "Psychological Demolition." Makiya shows that politics in Iraq was made more brutal by the Baath even for the regime's enemies. Force and fear become the main currencies of politics, and many people sunk further into intensified sectarianism or a sort of pure-interest based politics. Civil society was almost completely destroyed. The Iraqi people then emerged from decades of war, sanctions, and isolation as pretty psychologically and socially messed up: brutalized and violent, conditioned by Baath rule to hate the outsider, infected with radical Islamist beliefs. In other words, there are some deep roots to the bloodletting that followed the US invasion, and Iraqi society has some serious norm and civil society building to do before anything resembling stability, much less democracy, will be possible there. In a refreshing turn, Makiya labels his book the anti-Fanon, referring to the moving but brutal and counterproductive work of Franz Fanon of Algeria. He decries the tendency of "Third Worldist" thinkers to blame every problem on the West, saying that it obscures the role of postcolonial governments in destroying and victimizing their own people. Hatred of imperialists and outsiders has become as much of a cover for the depredations of these regimes as an explanation for the failure of so many post colonial states, and it's good of Makiya to call this out. However, his anti-Fanon stance doesn't really get developed throughout the book. The reader has to figure it out along the way. Given what I've said so far, it's odd that Makiya pleads in this book for Western intervention to help bring down the Baathist regime and create a democracy, even before 9/11. Makiya seems to have such a keen grasp of Iraqi political culture, but he somehow seems to think this fearful, violent, and illiberal polity could become a democracy just because it has some semblances of modernity (hospitals, an early middle class, urbanization, etc). This is the kind of pure wishful thinking and cognitive dissonance that motivated so many elite Iraqi expatriates to become staunch, even radical proponents of regime change before and after 9/11. For those who want to understand that crusade, reading Republic of Fear is important. For everyone else, there are much more accessible books about Iraqi politics and the Baathist regime out there, including Cockburn's Out of the Ashes. I respect Makiya personally as a brave person, but he is truly a pie in the sky intellectual whom actual policy makers should have been far more skeptical of.

  19. 4 out of 5

    Yas

    well, this is a good book. I particularly liked the first chapter. "jihaz hanin, the army, the mukhabarat". It is very interesting to be informed how the ba'th as a party state polity was formed and how it later developed under the leadership of saddam. what each "institution of violence" original role was and how it later undertook different or additional roles under the ba'th. The chapters concerning the Legitimation of ba'th(chpater 5 and 6), why the communists failed and the ba'thists' succe well, this is a good book. I particularly liked the first chapter. "jihaz hanin, the army, the mukhabarat". It is very interesting to be informed how the ba'th as a party state polity was formed and how it later developed under the leadership of saddam. what each "institution of violence" original role was and how it later undertook different or additional roles under the ba'th. The chapters concerning the Legitimation of ba'th(chpater 5 and 6), why the communists failed and the ba'thists' succeeded despite the similar rhetoric/goals was enlightening and made for an enjoyable reading as well.(Aflaq writings, Shawkat, Sati' husari".., the differences between pan arabists during the monarchy times and ba'thists. However, as another reviewer suggested, the conjecture by the author's part can indeed be a downer. Also, there are lines I found upsetting, and I paraphrase not quote here, "the lack of individualism is because of the islamic culture", "the British came more as modernizers than colonizers", "I admire the arab soldier who left his weapons and ran away in the arab israeli war in the light of the barbarity of iraqi-iranian war".... "the distinction between internal logic and realities of the ground (regarding pan-arabisim) is unusually large because of islamic heritage". this line was dumbfounding, and what it entailed or even the meaning of it was never explained at any point in the book. In the light of the absence of the explanation for many of one-two line statements, It can easily be interpreted (rightly or wrongly) as prejudice on the author's part. also, at some points, the auhtor himself makes his points harder to come across in explaining his ideas or explanations. summarizing some points in easy concise manner would have helped the readers understand better his ideas/points.

  20. 4 out of 5

    Zack

    Makiya strives for objectivity, but falls short. This is a rather interesting historical artifact/relic. Written post Iran-Iraq war and Pre-Gulf War I, it has a forward written in the late 90's. It would be most interesting to read another update now to see what insights Makiya has on what has transpired in the 15+ years since his first forward added. Ultimately, I think it falls short because there is a bit too much conjecture on what things mean. It does make it seem quite apparent that any hop Makiya strives for objectivity, but falls short. This is a rather interesting historical artifact/relic. Written post Iran-Iraq war and Pre-Gulf War I, it has a forward written in the late 90's. It would be most interesting to read another update now to see what insights Makiya has on what has transpired in the 15+ years since his first forward added. Ultimately, I think it falls short because there is a bit too much conjecture on what things mean. It does make it seem quite apparent that any hope for a peaceful post-Saddam was likely a pipe dream, regardless. The Iraqi people have suffered for entirely too long. Here is hoping they find peace and can re-find themselves.

  21. 5 out of 5

    Tom Schulte

    It may seem a little late to read a detailed, scholarly overview of the rise of Baathism and Saddam in Iraq from the late '60s to the Iran-Iraq War, but this updated edition has a lot to offer. One, it serves as a detailed analysis of centralized anti-communism turned into a fascistic dictatorship, ala Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy. Also, it explains a lot of the roots of the current patchwork of politico-religious issues in the mideast traced from the Ottoman millet system to post-WW II nation It may seem a little late to read a detailed, scholarly overview of the rise of Baathism and Saddam in Iraq from the late '60s to the Iran-Iraq War, but this updated edition has a lot to offer. One, it serves as a detailed analysis of centralized anti-communism turned into a fascistic dictatorship, ala Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy. Also, it explains a lot of the roots of the current patchwork of politico-religious issues in the mideast traced from the Ottoman millet system to post-WW II nation forming.

  22. 4 out of 5

    Firas Al Ramahi

    بقي هذا الكتاب فترة طويلة في رفوف المكتبة بإنتظار القراءة ولربما جاء ذلك من أسباب النقد الموجه لمكية بمواقع التواصل الاجتماعي ، والذي أعتقده انه كان غير حيادياً (النقد) على مكية .. نقل معاناة الشعب العراقي بصفحات كتاب تخليداً لمرحلة زمنية مهمة مرّ بها الشعب والوطن هو شيء مهم جداً ومرحلة آيدلوجيا حزب البعث كانت أحد أهم المنعطفات التي مررنا بها والتي تركت الكثير من الندوب على شخصيتنا الضائعة الهوية أصلاً ..

  23. 4 out of 5

    Mishari

    كتاب جمهورية الخوف ، يقدم الكتاب الحالة العراقية أثناء سلطة البعث العراقي و يقدم تحليلًا لمسيرة هذه السلطة و أيديولوجيتها و سياساتها و أدواتها و علاقتها بالعنف و القمع و طريقة وصولها للسلطة المطلقة و يقدم تشريحًا دقيقًا لوسائل و أدوات و سياسات و دعاية هذه السلطة الدموية منذ فترة الستينات حتى نهاية الثمانينات الكتاب دقيق و متزن في وصف و تشريح الحالة البعثية العراقية ، ربما يعيب الكتاب التمطيط و النقص في عدة محاور مهمة لكنه عمومًا كتاب جيد متزن

  24. 5 out of 5

    Gheyath Chalabi

    A political case history by not a professional author

  25. 4 out of 5

    Fahd

    ببلا

  26. 4 out of 5

    Sebastian Cosgrove

    Assigned for class. My fear was I would never get through it...and I didn't. Assigned for class. My fear was I would never get through it...and I didn't.

  27. 4 out of 5

    Johnny

    Oh if only one person in the Bush administration had ever read this book.

  28. 5 out of 5

    Christopher

    At some point I will return to this...extremely informative but overwhelming at this point in time.

  29. 4 out of 5

    Tanya

  30. 4 out of 5

    Wouter de Visser

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