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As the crisis with Iraq continues, Americans have questions. Is war really necessary? What can it accomplish? What broad vision of U.S. foreign policy underlies the determination to remove Saddam Hussein? What were the failures of the last couple of decades that brought us to a showdown with a dictator developing weapons of mass destruction? What is the relationship betwee As the crisis with Iraq continues, Americans have questions. Is war really necessary? What can it accomplish? What broad vision of U.S. foreign policy underlies the determination to remove Saddam Hussein? What were the failures of the last couple of decades that brought us to a showdown with a dictator developing weapons of mass destruction? What is the relationship between war with Iraq and the events of 9-11? The answers to these questions are found in this timely book by two of America's leading foreign policy thinkers. Kristol and Kaplan lay out a detailed rationale for action against Iraq. But to understand why we must fight Saddam, the authors assert, it is necessary to go beyond the details of his weapons of mass destruction, his past genocidal actions against Iran and his own people, and the U.N. resolutions he has ignored. The explanation begins with how the dominant policy ideas of the last decade--Clintonian liberalism and Republican realpolitik--led American policymakers to turn a blind eye to the threat Iraq has posed for well over a decade. As Kristol and Kaplan make clear, the war over Iraq is in large part a war of competing ideas about America's role in the world. The authors provide the first comprehensive explanation of the strategy of "preemption" guiding the Bush Administration in dealing with this crisis. They show that American foreign policy for the 21st century is being forged in the crucible of our response to Saddam. The war over Iraq will presumably be the end of Saddam Hussein. But it will be the beginning of a new era in American foreign policy. William Kristol and Lawrence Kaplan are indispensable guides to the era that lies ahead.


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As the crisis with Iraq continues, Americans have questions. Is war really necessary? What can it accomplish? What broad vision of U.S. foreign policy underlies the determination to remove Saddam Hussein? What were the failures of the last couple of decades that brought us to a showdown with a dictator developing weapons of mass destruction? What is the relationship betwee As the crisis with Iraq continues, Americans have questions. Is war really necessary? What can it accomplish? What broad vision of U.S. foreign policy underlies the determination to remove Saddam Hussein? What were the failures of the last couple of decades that brought us to a showdown with a dictator developing weapons of mass destruction? What is the relationship between war with Iraq and the events of 9-11? The answers to these questions are found in this timely book by two of America's leading foreign policy thinkers. Kristol and Kaplan lay out a detailed rationale for action against Iraq. But to understand why we must fight Saddam, the authors assert, it is necessary to go beyond the details of his weapons of mass destruction, his past genocidal actions against Iran and his own people, and the U.N. resolutions he has ignored. The explanation begins with how the dominant policy ideas of the last decade--Clintonian liberalism and Republican realpolitik--led American policymakers to turn a blind eye to the threat Iraq has posed for well over a decade. As Kristol and Kaplan make clear, the war over Iraq is in large part a war of competing ideas about America's role in the world. The authors provide the first comprehensive explanation of the strategy of "preemption" guiding the Bush Administration in dealing with this crisis. They show that American foreign policy for the 21st century is being forged in the crucible of our response to Saddam. The war over Iraq will presumably be the end of Saddam Hussein. But it will be the beginning of a new era in American foreign policy. William Kristol and Lawrence Kaplan are indispensable guides to the era that lies ahead.

30 review for The War Over Iraq: Saddam’s Tyranny and America’s Mission

  1. 5 out of 5

    Joseph Stieb

    This book is a must-read for students of the Iraq War in general. It's a succinct, well-organized, and (most importantly) representative version of the neoconservative case for war. As you might expect, Iraq's history gets subsumed in this book under the neocon vision of a unipolar American foreign policy spreading democracy and pre-empting threats. K and K lay out their critiques of Bush and Clinton's foreign policies on Iraq. They portray Bush as a narrow realist with a penchant for supporting This book is a must-read for students of the Iraq War in general. It's a succinct, well-organized, and (most importantly) representative version of the neoconservative case for war. As you might expect, Iraq's history gets subsumed in this book under the neocon vision of a unipolar American foreign policy spreading democracy and pre-empting threats. K and K lay out their critiques of Bush and Clinton's foreign policies on Iraq. They portray Bush as a narrow realist with a penchant for supporting dictators who bring stability rather than risk democratic change. They fault him for having not removed SH from power when he had the chance. They view Clinton as a naive, hesitant liberal who didn't really believe in the use of force for America's national interests and merely kicked the can down the road on Iraq. These critiques might have some weight if K and K didn't totally misrepresent these policies. Bush and Clinton both repeatedly said that the sanctions would remain on IQ until SH was removed from power and supported covert attempts to remove him. They pushed hard on the sanctions and inspections, keeping the coalition alive well into the late 90's. Clinton even signed the Iraq Liberation Act in 1998, making regime change official US policy. K and K don't even acknowledge these actions, which makes their accusations of weakness and waffling dishonest. This is one of several straw men that K and K set up in the book. If you are familiar with the Bush Doctrine, you'll be familiar with the case for war with Iraq in 2003. K and K lay it out clearly here, with a particular emphasis on the potential of using IQ as a base for projecting regional power and a kickstarter for a reverse domino effect of democratization. They drastically underestimate the difficulties of reconstruction, acting as if the sanctions that had devastated IQ since the Gulf War didn't even exist. They mock people like Powell and Zinni as people who are just afraid to exercise American power rather than seriously considering their concerns about releasing centrifugal forces in IQ society that Saddam was holding together. In sum, it's hard to find bigger true believers in invading Iraq and transforming the Middle East than these two fellows, and given how wrong they were on almost every point in this book, it's amazing anyone still listens to them. So even though this book is misguided, egotistic, and dishonest, it's very useful for getting at why we went to war in Iraq. You can also get a sense of what neocons thought about liberals and realists in the foreign policy world. I recommend it for students/scholars of the Iraq War and neocons more broadly.

  2. 5 out of 5

    Shea Mastison

    "The United States may need to occupy Iraq for some time. Though U.N., European and Arab forces will, as in Afghanistan, contribute troops, the principal responsibility will doubtless fall to the country that liberates Baghdad. According to one estimate, initially as many as 75,000 U.S. troops may be required to police the war's aftermath, at a cost of $16 billion a year. As other countries' forces arrive, and as Iraq rebuilds its economy and political system that force could probably be drawn d "The United States may need to occupy Iraq for some time. Though U.N., European and Arab forces will, as in Afghanistan, contribute troops, the principal responsibility will doubtless fall to the country that liberates Baghdad. According to one estimate, initially as many as 75,000 U.S. troops may be required to police the war's aftermath, at a cost of $16 billion a year. As other countries' forces arrive, and as Iraq rebuilds its economy and political system that force could probably be drawn down to several thousand soldiers after a year or two." Does any other quote so distinctly display the misguided, ignorant, or flat-out deceptive nature of neoconservative foreign policy? This book is obviously just a piece of propaganda meant to drum up support amongst people who were already pro-war. Any critical reading at all makes the entire premise of the authors collapse completely. Any man who can, with a straight face, criticize Kissinger and Nixon for being too "narrowly realistic;" and by extension, only slightly better than isolationist probably needs a thorough examination by a psychiatric doctor. Read this if you have a strong stomach and want to see the freak show that passes as neoconservative foreign policy.

  3. 4 out of 5

    Leonardo

    En The War Over Iraq, William Kristol y Lawrence F. Kaplan decían: La misión empieza en Bagdad, pero no acaba allí […] Estamos en la transición hacia una nueva era histórica […] Este es un momento decisivo […] Está muy claro que se trata de algo más que Irak. Incluso de algo más que el futuro de Oriente Medio y de la guerra contra el terror. Se trata de qué clase de papel pretende desempeñar Estados Unidos en el siglo xxi. No se puede menos que estar de acuerdo: realmente lo que estaba en juego En The War Over Iraq, William Kristol y Lawrence F. Kaplan decían: La misión empieza en Bagdad, pero no acaba allí […] Estamos en la transición hacia una nueva era histórica […] Este es un momento decisivo […] Está muy claro que se trata de algo más que Irak. Incluso de algo más que el futuro de Oriente Medio y de la guerra contra el terror. Se trata de qué clase de papel pretende desempeñar Estados Unidos en el siglo xxi. No se puede menos que estar de acuerdo: realmente lo que estaba en juego era el futuro de la comunidad internacional; cuáles serían las nuevas reglas que la regularían, a qué se parecería el nuevo orden mundial. Y, retrospectivamente, ahora podemos ver con claridad que la segunda Guerra de Irak ya era una señal del fracaso de Estados Unidos, de su incapacidad para desempeñar el papel de policía mundial. Posiblemente la principal causa estuvo en la «mala educación»: simplemente, Estados Unidos se permitió demasiados actos de «descortesía» para ser considerado adecuado para el papel que había elegido. Viviendo en el Final de los Tiempos Pág.179

  4. 4 out of 5

    Benjamin Thomas Sutpen

    http://sensemania.blogspot.com/2009/0... http://sensemania.blogspot.com/2009/0...

  5. 4 out of 5

    Pamela

    Read between Sept 11 and Iraq war. Helped me feel good about going in. Bill Kristol is smart and straight.

  6. 5 out of 5

    Major Doug

    Listened to this book: very interesting; very pro-43! Iraq is a less than nice place, and so was its former leader.

  7. 5 out of 5

    Aladdin Elaasar

  8. 5 out of 5

    Elizabeth

  9. 5 out of 5

    John

  10. 4 out of 5

    Nathan

  11. 5 out of 5

    Nathan

  12. 4 out of 5

    Katie

  13. 4 out of 5

    Anthony

  14. 4 out of 5

    Michael Fazio

  15. 5 out of 5

    Steve

  16. 5 out of 5

    Joe Padilla

  17. 5 out of 5

    Ben Gallegos

  18. 5 out of 5

    Casey

  19. 4 out of 5

    Coleman

  20. 5 out of 5

    General Jim

  21. 5 out of 5

    Cory Dupont

  22. 5 out of 5

    Jonathan Garner

  23. 5 out of 5

    audiobook master

  24. 5 out of 5

    Shwavid Bobavid

  25. 5 out of 5

    Roxanne Moadel-Attie

  26. 4 out of 5

    LPenting

  27. 4 out of 5

    Clark

  28. 4 out of 5

    Shepsmum

  29. 5 out of 5

    Chris

  30. 5 out of 5

    William Patterson

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