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Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citize Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citizens, it is true, but who will none the less be subjects, and who as such will be forced to obey.


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Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citize Its principal point is the conquest of political power by the working class. One can understand that men as indispensable as Marx and Engels should be the partisans of a programme which, consecrating and approving political power, opens the door to all ambitions. Since there will be political power there will necessarily be subjects, got up in Republican fashion, as citizens, it is true, but who will none the less be subjects, and who as such will be forced to obey.

30 review for Marxism, Freedom and the State

  1. 5 out of 5

    Lily

    Bakunin's viewpoints are at the very least worthy of serious consideration and development today, if only on the merit that his interpretations and predictions as to the direction Marxism and Communism were taking, turned out to be true. His ideas regarding justice, social progress and the meaning of liberty and equality are increasingly valid. This is not say that his viewpoints and practices are free of faults, but to take the true anarchist approach and build upon his better perspectives whil Bakunin's viewpoints are at the very least worthy of serious consideration and development today, if only on the merit that his interpretations and predictions as to the direction Marxism and Communism were taking, turned out to be true. His ideas regarding justice, social progress and the meaning of liberty and equality are increasingly valid. This is not say that his viewpoints and practices are free of faults, but to take the true anarchist approach and build upon his better perspectives while revising others.

  2. 5 out of 5

    Julian Worker

    Mikhail Bakunin was a revolutionary anarchist, a sworn enemy of all forms of State and State organisations. He believed that that the people can only be happy and free when, organised from below by means of its own autonomous and completely free associations, without the supervision of any guardians, it will create its own life. This book needed a good edit and a simple spell checking would have found errors such as these: The emancipation of the toilers cart be the work only of the toilers themse Mikhail Bakunin was a revolutionary anarchist, a sworn enemy of all forms of State and State organisations. He believed that that the people can only be happy and free when, organised from below by means of its own autonomous and completely free associations, without the supervision of any guardians, it will create its own life. This book needed a good edit and a simple spell checking would have found errors such as these: The emancipation of the toilers cart be the work only of the toilers themselves ...a new consolidation of the esrablished power of the boutgeois I know what is meant, but I think Bakunin's work is worthy of an editor. A couple of excellent observations about political leaders. "Nothing is more dangerous for man's private morality than the habit of command. The best man, the most intelligent, disinterested, generous, pure, will infallibly and always be spoiled at this trade. Two sentiments inherent in power never fail to produce this demoralisation: they are contempt for the masses and the overestimation of one's own merits." "The masses," a man says to himself, "recognising their incapacity to govern on their own account, have elected me their chief. By that act they have publicly proclaimed their inferiority and my superiority. Among this crowd of men, recognising hardly any equals of myself, I alone am capable of directing public affairs. The people have need of me; they cannot do without my services, while I, on the contrary, can get along all right by myself. They, therefore, must obey me for their own security and in condescending to command them, I am doing them a good turn."

  3. 5 out of 5

    Tanroop

    This essay is Mikhail Bakunin's, one of the great anarchist thinkers, critique of Marxism. Written in the 1870s after he and Marx had already begun to clash, it is polemical but Bakunin admits that he believes Marx to be a great thinker and a dedicated revolutionary. Bakunin claims that anarchists agree with Marxists on the most basic level- on their desired outcome. However, they are key differences that he explains with great detail and talent. Bakunin critiques the economic determinism of his This essay is Mikhail Bakunin's, one of the great anarchist thinkers, critique of Marxism. Written in the 1870s after he and Marx had already begun to clash, it is polemical but Bakunin admits that he believes Marx to be a great thinker and a dedicated revolutionary. Bakunin claims that anarchists agree with Marxists on the most basic level- on their desired outcome. However, they are key differences that he explains with great detail and talent. Bakunin critiques the economic determinism of historical materialism, the "stage-ist" conception of history which flows out from that, Marx's focus on the industrial working class at the expense of the peasantry, and more. The most fundamental disagreement, however, centers around the state. Marxists want to *capture* the state and use it to implement socialism. Bakunin decries the state as an inherently corrupting and authoritarian entity that must be destroyed *during* any revolution worth it's name. To his credit, a great many of Bakunin's criticisms are appealing and, to me, rang true. No one can reign innocently, and the state- whether it is called the peoples state or not- does require coercion and domination. I felt many of his predictions were realized in the Soviet Union. This work only served to strengthen my already existing sympathies with anarchism. I am currently reading China Mieville's "October" and it was interesting how many of Bakunin's points Lenin seemed to embody in April and May 1917: the rejection of the need for a bourgeois revolution to precede a socialist one, the importance of the peasantry, etc. It makes much more sense now that, in April 1917, Lenin was accused of wanting to sit on Bakunin's throne. Of course, it is worth noting that, despite their furious disagreements, both Marx and Bakunin claimed the Paris Commune as a model for the kind of government they hoped to see. A good read for anyone interested in this kind of thing. "The supreme end of history... Can be summed up in the words: it is the triumph of humanity, it is the conquest and accomplishment of the full freedom and full development, material, intellectual and moral, of every individual, by the absolutely free and spontaneous organisation of economic and social solidarity as completely as possible between all human beings living on the earth."

  4. 5 out of 5

    akemi

    yikes. for being a materialist, bakunin sure has an ahistorical and totalising conception of the state. there's no depth here, just blanket statements about the state as always-already corrupt and antithetical to human freedom. hints of the coming marxist humanism, ala r.d. laing, as well poststructuralist critiques of institutions, ala foucault. but this text is weak. the state is productive as well as repressive. to recognise this is not to condone it, but to better understand it. furthermore, ho yikes. for being a materialist, bakunin sure has an ahistorical and totalising conception of the state. there's no depth here, just blanket statements about the state as always-already corrupt and antithetical to human freedom. hints of the coming marxist humanism, ala r.d. laing, as well poststructuralist critiques of institutions, ala foucault. but this text is weak. the state is productive as well as repressive. to recognise this is not to condone it, but to better understand it. furthermore, horizontal forms of organisation are not free from power relations, and the more you believe they are, the fucking worse it is for those marginalised within such formations. it's the very doctrinaire bullshit bakunin accuses marx of committing. fuck this anarchism v marxism debate of who is the most bad faith subject, and to whom deserves the most credit for their revolutionary insights. it's just phallic jousting and reification of the highest order.

  5. 4 out of 5

    Erik Graff

    Poor Greg Guroff! He was the teacher in the two-semester Russian History course I took during the sophomore year at Grinnell College. Dr. Guroff was of Russian extraction himself, presumably descended from victims of the Red Terror, and a proud collector of icons. We, his students, were creatures of the sixties, profoundly suspicious of our own State, many of us intrigued by the alternative(s) represented by, among other things, the post-revolutionary USSR. Personally, my interest was primarily Poor Greg Guroff! He was the teacher in the two-semester Russian History course I took during the sophomore year at Grinnell College. Dr. Guroff was of Russian extraction himself, presumably descended from victims of the Red Terror, and a proud collector of icons. We, his students, were creatures of the sixties, profoundly suspicious of our own State, many of us intrigued by the alternative(s) represented by, among other things, the post-revolutionary USSR. Personally, my interest was primarily with the origins of that and with its fringes, namely, the Social Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks and the anarchists. In any case, teacher and students were approaching our subject from different angles and classroom discussions were often heated, he thinking us naif, we thinking him reactionary. Guroff, being our teacher, had the upper hand of course. Not only did he know more but he also had the power of the grade book. He was a proud Princeton man, intent on raising us to those standards. This he did by requiring a great deal of research and writing, several twenty-to-thirty page papers being required a term when most courses in the humanities and social sciences only required the equivalent of thirty pages total a semester. As ever, we retaliated, one of our number producing, with some help in typing, an essay of almost one hundred pages. Deadpan, he returned it, with a A-. Guroff went on to greater things. Many years later I found him mentioned in the NY Times in reference to the Soviet Union where he was working for the US Information Agency. Anyway, I had been first exposed to Bakunin through reading about Marx and that from a Marxist perspective whereby the famed anarchist was derided as the wrecker of the First Internationale, but I'd never read more than paragraphs by him until finding this book. Being interested in anarchism as a political philosophy since having read, with some sympathy, Alexander Berkman and various homegrown syndicalists during high school, I approached it with interest. Unfortunately, either Bakunin wasn't the scholar Marx was or the selection simply didn't give him his due. Whatever the case, I wasn't much impressed.

  6. 5 out of 5

    Yaser Maadat

    يأتي هذا الكتيب في إطار الصراع الذي دار بين معسكر الماركسية و على رأسه كارل ماركس و فردريك انجلز من جهة،و بين معسكر الأناركية (اللاسلطوية) بقيادة برودون و الكاتب ميخائيل باكونين من جهة أخرى،يتمركز هذا الصراع كما عرض باكونين هنا له من وجهة نظر أناركية حول مبادىء الحرية و حقوق الانسان وصولا إلى العلاقة بالسلطة التي كما يراها الأناركيون نقيض لأي مشروع انساني،إضافة إلى طبيعة الثورة الاجتماعية و ارتباطاتها الطبقية المتشعبة. يشن باكونين هجوما شرسا على الماركسية عموما و على كارل ماركس نفسه كقائد لها و ك يأتي هذا الكتيب في إطار الصراع الذي دار بين معسكر الماركسية و على رأسه كارل ماركس و فردريك انجلز من جهة،و بين معسكر الأناركية (اللاسلطوية) بقيادة برودون و الكاتب ميخائيل باكونين من جهة أخرى،يتمركز هذا الصراع كما عرض باكونين هنا له من وجهة نظر أناركية حول مبادىء الحرية و حقوق الانسان وصولا إلى العلاقة بالسلطة التي كما يراها الأناركيون نقيض لأي مشروع انساني،إضافة إلى طبيعة الثورة الاجتماعية و ارتباطاتها الطبقية المتشعبة. يشن باكونين هجوما شرسا على الماركسية عموما و على كارل ماركس نفسه كقائد لها و كمنظر يرى فيه باكونين "بسمارك" آخر،رغم اشادته بذكائه و قدرته على بعث الأممية و بالتالي الاسهام في تعطيل مد الوحش الرأسمالي،فهو يقدم نقدا للمشروع الماركسي نافيا عنه صفة العلمية معتبرا ماركس و انجلز و اتباعهم طبقة فوق بروليتارية أقرب ما تكون إلى البرجوازية المتخفية. عندما نحاكم أفكار ماركس أو باكونين "على اعتبار طوباوية الفكرتين" فإن أيا منهما لم يتمكن فعليا من حسم الصراع لفائدة فكرته،حيث نرى في نقد باكونين الكثير من الصحة لمشروع ماركسية "ما بعد ماركس" فيما نشاهد غرق الأناركية في الطوباوية التي لم تستطع أن تقنع الناس بقدرتها على القضاء على الدولة و تحطيمها في سبيل الوصول إلى تحرر الانسانية،تتفق الأناركية مع الماركسية على حتمية اضمحلال الدولة و لكنها تختلف معها على المنهج و الأسلوب،حيث يشدد باكونين هنا على ضرورة تحطيم الدولة كخطوة أولى بعد الثورة الاجتماعية،فيما يقوم مشروع ماركس على دكتاتورية البروليتاريا التي وحدها من يستولي على السلطة بعد الثورة و قبل إقامة الاشتراكية بخطواتها العلمية العملية وصولا إلى اقامة الشيوعية التي تأذن باضمحلال الدولة كمحصلة نهائية.

  7. 4 out of 5

    Nico

    Time has been unkind to Bakunin's beliefs, Idealism particularly, but this work is nonetheless valuable in understanding the schism between two of the most iconic figures of the First International, the falling out between two iconoclasts who had once been drinking buddies. Time has been unkind to Bakunin's beliefs, Idealism particularly, but this work is nonetheless valuable in understanding the schism between two of the most iconic figures of the First International, the falling out between two iconoclasts who had once been drinking buddies.

  8. 5 out of 5

    Michael

    the good shit

  9. 5 out of 5

    Joseph

    Powerful essay Powerful essay on the difference between Marxism and anarchism. Bakunin lays it all out in typical 19th century prose, requiring some careful reading, but the intent is clear: no states will be the savior of the people. True liberty cokes from below, not above. This ebook however has a number of typos that are most distracting.

  10. 4 out of 5

    Zay Min Htut Aung

    To understand Bakunin is to be a socio-anarchist,politico-revolutionary spirit bigoted.

  11. 4 out of 5

    Shawn

    Always an interesting read. Fun to pick up and glance over from time to time just to shake up your routine of work, school, kids.

  12. 4 out of 5

    Sean Cox-marcellin

    solid. Critique of Marx and his dictatorship of the proletariat and the state

  13. 4 out of 5

    Max

  14. 5 out of 5

    Anonimo2000

  15. 5 out of 5

    Paddy

  16. 4 out of 5

    Doruk

  17. 5 out of 5

    Stefen Short

  18. 4 out of 5

    Kenneth Goodall

  19. 5 out of 5

    Roxana

  20. 4 out of 5

    Faumakso

  21. 4 out of 5

    Tony Sousa

  22. 4 out of 5

    Thomas

  23. 4 out of 5

    Jenner

  24. 5 out of 5

    Semiophrenic

  25. 5 out of 5

    Skramzisnice

  26. 5 out of 5

    Shelby Lillian Smith

  27. 5 out of 5

    Matt Dougherty

  28. 5 out of 5

    Flávio Pires

  29. 4 out of 5

    Matt

  30. 4 out of 5

    Ramaditya Virgiyansyah

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