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Europe’s second Thirty Years’ War—an epoch of blood and ashes Fire and Blood looks at the European crisis of the two world wars as a single historical sequence: the age of the European Civil War (1914–1945). Its overture was played out in the trenches of the Great War; its coda on a ruined continent. It opened with conventional declarations of war and finished with “uncondi Europe’s second Thirty Years’ War—an epoch of blood and ashes Fire and Blood looks at the European crisis of the two world wars as a single historical sequence: the age of the European Civil War (1914–1945). Its overture was played out in the trenches of the Great War; its coda on a ruined continent. It opened with conventional declarations of war and finished with “unconditional surrender.” Proclamations of national unity led to eventual devastation, with entire countries torn to pieces. During these three decades of deepening conflicts, a classical interstate conflict morphed into a global civil war, abandoning rules of engagement and fought by irreducible enemies rather than legitimate adversaries, each seeking the annihilation of its opponents. It was a time of both unchained passions and industrial, rationalized massacre. Utilizing multiple sources, Enzo Traverso depicts the dialectic of this era of wars, revolutions and genocides. Rejecting commonplace notions of “totalitarian evil,” he rediscovers the feelings and reinterprets the ideas of an age of intellectual and political commitment when Europe shaped world history with its own collapse.


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Europe’s second Thirty Years’ War—an epoch of blood and ashes Fire and Blood looks at the European crisis of the two world wars as a single historical sequence: the age of the European Civil War (1914–1945). Its overture was played out in the trenches of the Great War; its coda on a ruined continent. It opened with conventional declarations of war and finished with “uncondi Europe’s second Thirty Years’ War—an epoch of blood and ashes Fire and Blood looks at the European crisis of the two world wars as a single historical sequence: the age of the European Civil War (1914–1945). Its overture was played out in the trenches of the Great War; its coda on a ruined continent. It opened with conventional declarations of war and finished with “unconditional surrender.” Proclamations of national unity led to eventual devastation, with entire countries torn to pieces. During these three decades of deepening conflicts, a classical interstate conflict morphed into a global civil war, abandoning rules of engagement and fought by irreducible enemies rather than legitimate adversaries, each seeking the annihilation of its opponents. It was a time of both unchained passions and industrial, rationalized massacre. Utilizing multiple sources, Enzo Traverso depicts the dialectic of this era of wars, revolutions and genocides. Rejecting commonplace notions of “totalitarian evil,” he rediscovers the feelings and reinterprets the ideas of an age of intellectual and political commitment when Europe shaped world history with its own collapse.

30 review for Fire and Blood: The European Civil War, 1914-1945

  1. 5 out of 5

    Georgina Koutrouditsou

    Η δουλειά του Traverso χαρακτηρίζεται από τελειότητα! Έγκυρη & πλούσια βιβλιογραφία μαζί με έναν εξαιρετικό & πάνω απ'όλα κατανοητό λόγο. Η δουλειά του Traverso χαρακτηρίζεται από τελειότητα! Έγκυρη & πλούσια βιβλιογραφία μαζί με έναν εξαιρετικό & πάνω απ'όλα κατανοητό λόγο.

  2. 5 out of 5

    Domhnall

    This was a very dense book at first, but in time the point became clear that each chapter is exploring its own theme in some depth, while accumulating the basis for an overall argument. It suggests that European history from 1914 to 1945 should be viewed as a single cycle of events and described altogether as a European civil war. These observations are not original and many sources are cited to support them. Certainly the book examines them in great detail, describing just how radically the cor This was a very dense book at first, but in time the point became clear that each chapter is exploring its own theme in some depth, while accumulating the basis for an overall argument. It suggests that European history from 1914 to 1945 should be viewed as a single cycle of events and described altogether as a European civil war. These observations are not original and many sources are cited to support them. Certainly the book examines them in great detail, describing just how radically the core values of humanity collapsed for the duration, how Europe abandoned the idea of the state as a lawful framework for diverse people to live together, typically within an empire, replacing this with the image and by 1945 often with the reality of a nation state with a homogenous population, from which vast numbers of people were excluded and either obliged to transfer to their own national home or rendered stateless and hence also without rights. However, the book's task is not descriptive but analytical. The writer is dissatisfied with the pronouncement that this period represented a collapse from civilisation into depravity; on the contrary, it represented the culmination of a process that was in hand since at least the Enlightenment. He dislikes the idea that we should remember only the victims of this disaster; we should not forget those who took part on either side of the civil war and what it is that they were responsible for doing. He is not willing to accept that all those who participated were wrong to do so, nor that the values which led them to fight should be abandoned; on the contrary, he argues that it was essential to be committed, the moral imperatives could not have been greater. We should honour those who defeated Nazism in Europe, remember what they fought against and be prepared to do the same again. ” The only memory of the age of fire and blood that was the first half of the twentieth century that it seems necessary today to preserve is the memory of the victims, innocent victims of an explosion of insensate violence. In the face of this memory, that of the combatants has lost any exemplary dimension, unless that of a negative model. Fascists and antifascists are rejected equally as representatives of a bygone age, when Europe had sunk into totalitarianism (whether Communist or Nazi). The only great cause that deserved commitment, so post-totalitarian wisdom suggests, was not political but humanitarian.” p14 One of the difficult themes in the book is its opposition to the widely argued assumption that communism and fascism were equivalent, by virtue of their totalitarian nature and the numbers of their casualties. Traverso does not understate Stalin's crimes nor Russia's participation in the immense forced population transfers as well as large scale murders which marked the age. At the same time he observes that the discussion of communism and the Cold War requires a global picture, while his work is concerned specifically with European history and the concept of a European civil war. The fact is that in the European context, communists displayed a fierce commitment to the struggle against Nazism which was never displayed by liberal democrats, let alone by the elites of the liberal democracies and the war in Europe was primarily fought out on its Eastern front, between Russia and Germany. Both German and allied casualties on the Western front were a mere fraction of those in the East. Once the Germans were halted and defeated at Stalingrad, the war was strategically lost. Beyond this, I will concede that I am not clear if Traverso actually does reject the contention that communist totatilitarianism was equivalent to fascist totalitarianism. I suspect he has a more nuanced attitude, which could only be set out after introducing work such as Losardo's, who demonstrated the totalitarian elements in British and US practices, especially but not only during the two world wars, or the work of the Frankfurt School along similar lines. Two things are clear enough. One: He derides the notion that liberal democracy was going to defeat fascism, given its collapse across Europe in the face of fascism. Two: He also is sceptical of the way the anti-fascist alliance fell apart once the Germans were defeated, giving way to the new lines of the Cold War. He explains that the alliance was inevitably made up of very different forces, temporarily setting aside profound differences, and bound to go their separate ways in due course, but within that alliance the communists nevertheless played a vital role and generated the fierce commitment without which Nazism could never have been defeated. Despite its density the book becomes more interesting and more challenging in proportion to the effort expended on reading it. I have already made an effort at a second reading. It is too early to say if I have understood it correctly - probably not, though writing about it has been a good start - but I have gained a lot from it already and I know I will return to it again.

  3. 5 out of 5

    Bettie

    http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3066-... http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3066-...

  4. 5 out of 5

    Paul

    A piercing, insightful and important analysis of the European crisis that exploded in the eponymous fire and blood of the middle 20th century, including two world wars, two major civil wars and numerous other conflicts across the continent. Fire and Blood is really two books covering this time period. The first explores the nature of civil war and how it differs from conventional interstate warfare, especially as of the early 20th century, and how the European conflagration more closely mirrored A piercing, insightful and important analysis of the European crisis that exploded in the eponymous fire and blood of the middle 20th century, including two world wars, two major civil wars and numerous other conflicts across the continent. Fire and Blood is really two books covering this time period. The first explores the nature of civil war and how it differs from conventional interstate warfare, especially as of the early 20th century, and how the European conflagration more closely mirrored the no-holds-barred, take-no-prisoners nature of the former rather than the rule-bound contests of the latter. Traverso is convincing in showing how combatants increasingly viewed each other in the absolutist, extralegal terms more typically seen in civil wars, where each side must necessarily view the other as illegitimate; view neutrality with suspicion; and view all people as combatants, potential combatants or supporters of combatants and therefore unworthy of the protection and niceties afforded to prisoners and civilians in traditional warfare. He also points out that the events from 1914 to 1945 did not include just the two total wars, one laying the conditions for the other, but also included the Bolshevik Revolution and Russian Civil War of 1917-22 and the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, both of which attracted international interference on each side, plus fighting between different armed forces – occupiers, resistance fighters, fascist thugs, republican defenders – in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s, Italy and the Balkans in the 1930s and 1940s, and France in the 1940s. The continent, in other words, devolved into a paroxysm of conflict, turning against itself as old empires collapsed and wiping out millions of its own residents in a frenzy of war crimes ranging from poison gas to carpet bombing to extermination camps to mass executions of political and military prisoners. In the second half of the book, Traverso turns a critical eye to the historiographical treatment of the antifascist resistance that battled the forces of Mussolini, Hitler and Franco during the latter half of the civil war. He argues that Cold War alliances led Western interpreters of history to discount the contributions of leftist antifascism by watering it down into an anti-totalitarianism that could also oppose Soviet communism, notwithstanding the key role European communists played in opposing fascism. He shows that antifascism was a broad coalition ranging from Christians to communists that eventually fractured after the end of World War II and the rise of the Cold War, and that the primary cleavage of the civil war was a battle between fascism and its opponents – not, as some would have it, a struggle against a generic totalitarianism. In this section, Traverso – perhaps intentionally, although he doesn't make it clear – describes fascism in a way that highlights especially strongly how much the wave of "alt-right" nationalism rising in Europe and America today is in fact a form of neofascism, with its reactionary character, its focus on racial purity, its nationalist emphasis and its focus on counter-revolution (notwithstanding whether there was much of a revolution to counter in the first place). Overall, Fire and Blood is a penetrating exploration of a traumatic three decades that continue to haunt the West, if not the world. It assumes the reader knows the basics of this time period; it's far too short a book to recapitulate all of the names, dates and battles you'd get in a traditional history book. But if you're looking for a next-level study of this era from a perspective you're unlikely to find in most American texts, I highly recommend Traverso's.

  5. 4 out of 5

    Pierre

    A little too theoretical and quite obviously a product of contemporary intellectualism with all its faults, this is a decent enough history with an interesting and well-argued theory that 1914-1945 in Europe should be taken as a single, coherent civil war. The book at times feels a little like a box-ticking exercise for modern historians, veering into cultural and gender history with no real need, but there is a lot to be drawn from here. It is very well researched and, despite its obvious polit A little too theoretical and quite obviously a product of contemporary intellectualism with all its faults, this is a decent enough history with an interesting and well-argued theory that 1914-1945 in Europe should be taken as a single, coherent civil war. The book at times feels a little like a box-ticking exercise for modern historians, veering into cultural and gender history with no real need, but there is a lot to be drawn from here. It is very well researched and, despite its obvious political stance, is worth a read for anyone well-versed in the time period.

  6. 5 out of 5

    Jack Petro

    Εξαιρετικός στοχαστής ο TRAVERSO, σίγουρα θα διαβάσω και άλλα έργα του σύντομα.

  7. 4 out of 5

    Vince

    Revelatory for me, discussing this 30 year period in ways I hadn't considered before. This is a cultural analysis, nothing about military campaigns and war fighting. I'll have to let this percolate for a bit and then come back for a second read after giving some attention to some of the texts and films (available and in English of course) that he references.

  8. 4 out of 5

    Paul

    I had the opposite experience reading this book as I had when reading Traverso’s Left Wing Melancholia. In that book the first two thirds soared; then the book kind of collapsed. In this book, the first two thirds were fine, but in an academic and somewhat pedantic manner. The last two chapters, which are intellectual histories of the inter-war period, are really good, particularly his excavation of anti-fascism. Throughout, as always with Traverso, it is a treat to read someone who has clearly I had the opposite experience reading this book as I had when reading Traverso’s Left Wing Melancholia. In that book the first two thirds soared; then the book kind of collapsed. In this book, the first two thirds were fine, but in an academic and somewhat pedantic manner. The last two chapters, which are intellectual histories of the inter-war period, are really good, particularly his excavation of anti-fascism. Throughout, as always with Traverso, it is a treat to read someone who has clearly read everything on his topic, can assimilate so much raw material, in so many languages, and has a point of view. He mines reactionary sources, liberals, and writers of the left in all their varieties. He delves into interesting exchanges, not merely the well-worn Trotksy-Dewey debate, but, for example, that between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt. In that analysis, Benjamin comes in for some heavy criticism, but Traverso’s admiration for Benjamin, so evident in Melancholia, is also implicit here, in how seriously he takes Benjamin’s arguments, how much significance they hold, even retrospectively. There are certainly echoes in the contemporary period of the challenges of the interwar period, and particularly of the 1930s, in forging a progressive response to the crisis of liberal capitalism in all dimensions – analytical, political, organizational. We can only hope that we don’t descend into out and out fascist dictatorship in heretofore bourgeois democracies. Actually, we have to do more than hope – we have to struggle, and we have to figure how to prevent the worst outcomes and how to nurture the better world we know is possible.

  9. 5 out of 5

    Lucas Miller

    Really blown away by this book. Had my school librarian purchase it almost on a whim. It had popped up in a promotional email and I noticed the subtitle. A colleague of mine (who seems to be as old as the school I work at) has used the term "European Civil War" to describe the first half of the 20th century before and it always hit me the wrong way, sounded very imperialist. But as is often the case, that was largely my American perspective on the Second World War. The way Americans have come to Really blown away by this book. Had my school librarian purchase it almost on a whim. It had popped up in a promotional email and I noticed the subtitle. A colleague of mine (who seems to be as old as the school I work at) has used the term "European Civil War" to describe the first half of the 20th century before and it always hit me the wrong way, sounded very imperialist. But as is often the case, that was largely my American perspective on the Second World War. The way Americans have come to view World War II has really done a disservice to that conflicts scope and tragedy. The Saving Private Ryan, Greatest Generation, pop historiography really isolates it as a triumphal moment of American exceptionalism. Traverso is a much needed rejoinder to this view. It is a thrill and challenge to read a book whose footnotes are equally spread between English, French, German, Spanish, and Italian language sources. My notes quickly devolved into a litany of books to read, re-read, or people to look up. So much of this book brings together strands of things I've been thinking about lately. It is a heady ride, and a theory heavy view of a historical era that feels so well-trod as to be cliche, but the use of social and cultural history coupled with political theory provided me, at least, with a challenging, nuanced, and extremely fresh perspective on the era of 1914-1945. This book felt like the beginning of a long term project. Definitely a book I will return to.

  10. 4 out of 5

    Patrick

    Required reading for a class. Traverso's argument that the European theater of the second World War should be seen as a European Civil War is an interesting one, and he certainly convinces me, pointing to the very international ideological character of the war for almost all European participants and witnesses to the war. This monograph is not in my field, so I don't have too much critical to say about it. He certainly brings a passion to the subject.

  11. 5 out of 5

    Sugarpunksattack Mick

    Enzo Traverso provides a fascinating perspective of the two worlds wars that I had never considered before that of the world wars constituting one continuous (mostly) European civil war. I picked up this book because I was looking for a more social, political, and cultural account of WWI, rather than a typical historical/political/military account that hops from event to event or from battle to battle. Traverso does a wonderful job at this by providing the social and political context of the 'ci Enzo Traverso provides a fascinating perspective of the two worlds wars that I had never considered before that of the world wars constituting one continuous (mostly) European civil war. I picked up this book because I was looking for a more social, political, and cultural account of WWI, rather than a typical historical/political/military account that hops from event to event or from battle to battle. Traverso does a wonderful job at this by providing the social and political context of the 'civil war' period, but also a brief account of how Europe got there. One of the most crucial aspects of Traverso's book is his explanation of the 100 year period of relative peace in Europe that ends with the out break of WWI. Of course, it was during this time period that Europe was waging war against other people via colonization. I found Part I to be more interesting and informative than Part II. I think people interested in the more military side of war will find Part I interesting and Part II lacking. That said, I think for those who stick to military accounts of war will benefit greatly from Traveso's 'civil war' framework because it helps to politicize the two wars at every level and complicate standard narratives.

  12. 4 out of 5

    Cedric

    Traverso has a target in this book; the contemporary liberal pap which seeks to condemn both the fascist and anti-fascist forces of the time as being both 'undemocratic' and 'illiberal' and as bad as each other. Traverso demolishes this for the nonsense that it is; pointing out that during the era of the European Civil War, liberalism was an all-round failure and liberal regimes fell like ninepins before the onslaught of totalitarianism. Traverso unearths the real history of the anti-fascist fro Traverso has a target in this book; the contemporary liberal pap which seeks to condemn both the fascist and anti-fascist forces of the time as being both 'undemocratic' and 'illiberal' and as bad as each other. Traverso demolishes this for the nonsense that it is; pointing out that during the era of the European Civil War, liberalism was an all-round failure and liberal regimes fell like ninepins before the onslaught of totalitarianism. Traverso unearths the real history of the anti-fascist fronts; showing that they predated any involvement by the Stalinist CPs, that they were more widely based and not controlled by Moscow. At the end of the day the only hope of defeating fascism lay in allying with the USSR and Stalinism, and without that, we would be living in a fascist world. Traverso makes clear the need then (and by extension now, faced with the revival of fascism even in a watered down fashion) of making a choice and a commitment, of engaging with the task of defeating fascism, rather than abetting it by avoiding engagement.

  13. 5 out of 5

    Matthew Inard

    This is a phenomenal look at the period from the start of World War One right through to the end of World War 2 from a leftist perceptive. The information presented here is unlike anything presented in high school history classes(or even a University Course). Enzo goes into a lot of detail about different types of conflict and their factors, "‘classic’ wars between states; civil wars; wars of national liberation; genocides; violent confrontations arising from cleavages of class, nation, religion This is a phenomenal look at the period from the start of World War One right through to the end of World War 2 from a leftist perceptive. The information presented here is unlike anything presented in high school history classes(or even a University Course). Enzo goes into a lot of detail about different types of conflict and their factors, "‘classic’ wars between states; civil wars; wars of national liberation; genocides; violent confrontations arising from cleavages of class, nation, religion, politics and ideology". The shift to both the far left and far right, the collapse of liberalism and radicalism of the era is perfectly displayed in this book. The violence against citizens, dehumanisation, the want to completely to destroy your enemy and the general war of ideas displayed. Enzo using examples of Visual Art, Poetry, Flim and Literature the changing cultures and psychology of the men and women lived experience of the European Civil War. More than any other book on the topic it shows the range of factors that lead to one of the most barbaric times in human history.

  14. 4 out of 5

    Ferenc Laczo

    The author has a big agenda, the book, however, is essentially just an extended essay; the coverage is far from systematic. There are many captivating phrases here that gives the reader a clear grasp of events and processes. Having said that, I do not find all of Traverso's ideas convincing partly because he is too strongly focused on Western Europe at the expense of 'the other half.' This remains an engaging book by an engaged historian.

  15. 4 out of 5

    Leif

    Traverso's reckoning with history is personal, political, and academic - he is an excellent guide and while some may find his theoretical frames provocative insofar as they focus on the rise and importance of anti-fascist thinkers, I find them unobjectionable. His interest in multiple sectors of human activity through the two world war periods illuminates shared fascinations - from artists to politicians, Traverso finds their place in what he calls the European civil war.

  16. 4 out of 5

    jeffrey

    A challenging read, this densely written treatise is based upon the philosophical premise that the European wars of the 20th century were really a continuous Civil War. This all-encompassing war was a "total war," meaning that all previous "rules" of war were abandoned -- everything and everyone was fair game for killing and destruction. Among many of its salient points, it observes that there were many alliances made in expediency towards fighting the then common enemy, i.e., the Germans, and t A challenging read, this densely written treatise is based upon the philosophical premise that the European wars of the 20th century were really a continuous Civil War. This all-encompassing war was a "total war," meaning that all previous "rules" of war were abandoned -- everything and everyone was fair game for killing and destruction. Among many of its salient points, it observes that there were many alliances made in expediency towards fighting the then common enemy, i.e., the Germans, and then the Nazis. Once that enemy was dispatched, the underlying differences between the former allies came to the fore, leading to the Cold War.

  17. 5 out of 5

    Oakley Merideth

    I actually need to post some good reviews to and this was a clear work of genius. Fire and Blood assembles basic historical facts, theoretical nuance, and remarkably imaginative theses into a text that simply opens your understanding of the horror that was the first half of the 20th century in Europe. At the core of Traverso's book is the understanding that paradox is a feature, not a bug, of the European Civil War. Take this brilliant example–WWI was not caused by a relative lack of diplomatic I actually need to post some good reviews to and this was a clear work of genius. Fire and Blood assembles basic historical facts, theoretical nuance, and remarkably imaginative theses into a text that simply opens your understanding of the horror that was the first half of the 20th century in Europe. At the core of Traverso's book is the understanding that paradox is a feature, not a bug, of the European Civil War. Take this brilliant example–WWI was not caused by a relative lack of diplomatic customs or diplomatic infrastructure but BECAUSE OF IT. After the hideous wars of religion, the various revolutions, et cetera, European states made an extreme effort to establish byzantine diplomatic ties and protocols to ensure that war would become less and less possible. But it was this exact infrastructure which inevitably led to the implosion of Europe. Here we see that modernity has come to fully realize itself. This is merely one example and had I penned a review right after reading the book I could say more. I do know, however, that I will more than likely revisit this work.

  18. 4 out of 5

    Peter

    Italian historian Enzo Traverso lobs the logic of civil war like a bomb at the warmed over totalitarian-school readings that were big stuff in the first decade of the twenty-first century, and which look to be coming ‘round again after Trump et al. In many respects, this book is an extension of Arno Mayer’s great work, “The Furies.” Mayer argued that rather than illustrating the danger of ideology as a free-floating concept, the great ideological bloodlettings between the French Revolution and t Italian historian Enzo Traverso lobs the logic of civil war like a bomb at the warmed over totalitarian-school readings that were big stuff in the first decade of the twenty-first century, and which look to be coming ‘round again after Trump et al. In many respects, this book is an extension of Arno Mayer’s great work, “The Furies.” Mayer argued that rather than illustrating the danger of ideology as a free-floating concept, the great ideological bloodlettings between the French Revolution and today show that violence is the inevitable concomitant of change- that “violence is the midwife of history.” This goes along with the blind eye liberal anti-totalitarian scholarship turns towards massive violence that did not proclaim its ideological nature (or, more cynically, didn’t happen to white people)- the violence of imperialism, for instance. Imperialism, revolution, industrialization, all among the main movers of modern history, all substantially violent, so sticking at one type of violence as unavoidably tragic and wrong makes little sense. “If all civil wars are tragedies, some deserve commitment,” as Traverso puts it. Mayer wrote about the French and Russian revolutions, Traverso writes about the arc of violence in Europe that began with World War One, extended through the waves of revolutions and counterrevolutions in the 20s and 30s, and ended with World War Two. There’s a few reasons to see this as a long European civil war, along the lines of the Thirty Years War in the seventeenth century or the French revolutionary/Napoleonic wars at the dawn of the nineteenth. Civil wars are proverbially ferocious, calling forth degrees of commitment (both in scale and depth) seldom seen in other types of war. They tend to be layered conflicts- regional, ideological, international, local, religious fault lines are all activated by civil wars and interact in complex ways. Case in point, the way the age of crises between 1914 and 1945 affected every society in Europe (and beyond- one weakness of the book is that it’s unabashedly eurocentric). I tend to agree with Traverso about his framing of the early twentieth century, and am always down with a tilt at liberal historiography. This book had a kind of assembled, essayistic feel to it which wasn’t awful or anything but which doesn’t compare with works like “The Furies,” as Traverso himself would probably agree. ****

  19. 4 out of 5

    René

    Delante del espectáculo de una civilización que transformó la técnica moderna en una gigantesca fuerza destructiva, el único sentimiento posible es la vergüenza.

  20. 4 out of 5

    Peter (Pete) Mcloughlin

    I am not going to rate this because I couldn't get into it. The way the book was written made it impenetrable to me.

  21. 5 out of 5

    Steve Cucharo

  22. 5 out of 5

    Stephen Roberts

  23. 4 out of 5

    Isabel EM

  24. 4 out of 5

    Veronica

  25. 4 out of 5

    Giuliano Vivaldi

  26. 4 out of 5

    Erika

  27. 4 out of 5

    David

  28. 5 out of 5

    Marko

  29. 4 out of 5

    Martina Russo

  30. 4 out of 5

    Marcos92

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