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Palestinians in the Arab World: Institution Building and the Search for State

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Traces the history of the Palestinians from their uprooting in 1948 to the present. Brand explores the development of the sociopolitical institutions that served as bases for the reemergence of the Palestinian national movement. Institutions among students, women, teachers, and workers in the Palestinian communities of Egypt, Kuwait, and Jordan are explored.


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Traces the history of the Palestinians from their uprooting in 1948 to the present. Brand explores the development of the sociopolitical institutions that served as bases for the reemergence of the Palestinian national movement. Institutions among students, women, teachers, and workers in the Palestinian communities of Egypt, Kuwait, and Jordan are explored.

10 review for Palestinians in the Arab World: Institution Building and the Search for State

  1. 4 out of 5

    Gloria

    This book is one of the driest reads I've ever encountered. It may as well be a list of declarative sentences since it lacks any form of interesting presentation, personality, or analysis whatsoever. It is strictly information, and if you are not already deeply interested in the subject, there's nothing here to intrigue you. The book contains very interesting information, in great detail, on the development of Palestinian women's groups, student movements, labor unions, teacher's unions, and Red This book is one of the driest reads I've ever encountered. It may as well be a list of declarative sentences since it lacks any form of interesting presentation, personality, or analysis whatsoever. It is strictly information, and if you are not already deeply interested in the subject, there's nothing here to intrigue you. The book contains very interesting information, in great detail, on the development of Palestinian women's groups, student movements, labor unions, teacher's unions, and Red Crescent Societies in Egypt, Kuwait, and Jordan. A major drawback is that Brand treats Syria and Lebanon as footnotes and only includes about two pages of information on each of these countries, which (besides Jordan) are some of the most consequential places of residence for Palestinians throughout the decades. I'm not sure why she chose to ignore the larger Palestinian populations within Syria and Lebanon in favor of documenting the smaller populations in Egypt and Kuwait. The information on Kuwaiti Palestinians, in the 1988 edition I read, didn't seem to correlate with the fact that just three years later the Kuwaiti Palestinians (who are spoken of in this book as treated very well within Kuwait) were expelled by the hundreds of thousands, primarily into Jordan. I read the 1988 edition, but the 1991 edition is probably much more timely since it could include information on the mass expulsion of Palestinians from Kuwait (for their support of Saddam Hussein over Kuwait in that war). Laurie Brand has gone on to write other books, but this one sorely needs to be updated.

  2. 4 out of 5

    Chelsea Szendi

    Brand applies Charles Tilly's political mobilization model (that the making of a social movement requires motive, resources, and opportunity), as she traces various Palestinian movements in Egypt, Kuwait, Jordan. Based on the premise that the motive of shared identity is not enough to create a social movement, Brand goes about exploring structures of resources and opportunity (Khalidi picks up the ball with exploring the history of Palestinian identity). In terms of opportunity structures, she h Brand applies Charles Tilly's political mobilization model (that the making of a social movement requires motive, resources, and opportunity), as she traces various Palestinian movements in Egypt, Kuwait, Jordan. Based on the premise that the motive of shared identity is not enough to create a social movement, Brand goes about exploring structures of resources and opportunity (Khalidi picks up the ball with exploring the history of Palestinian identity). In terms of opportunity structures, she hypothesizes (and ultimately argues) that increased marginalization of a diaspora community increases the likelihood of the formation of a diaspora-specific movement. To this end, she offers details on the various institutions that arose to address the needs of Palestinian diaspora communities: vocational institutes, health centers, etc. In that sense, it offers important information on grassroots organizing. I gave it a lukewarm three stars (3.5!) because I am an overly critical graduate student from outside this field, and many sections lost me in a haze of detail. It's a very stingy 3.5, though.

  3. 5 out of 5

    Marcy

  4. 5 out of 5

    Oscar J

  5. 4 out of 5

    Josh

  6. 5 out of 5

    Talal

  7. 4 out of 5

    Tu─čba Usta

  8. 5 out of 5

    Philip

  9. 4 out of 5

    Parker Breza

  10. 4 out of 5

    Asem Khalil

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