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Written during and immediately after the Spanish Civil War, this classic account of its background represents a struggle to see issues in Spanish politics objectively, despite the author's personal involvment. Written during and immediately after the Spanish Civil War, this classic account of its background represents a struggle to see issues in Spanish politics objectively, despite the author's personal involvment.


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Written during and immediately after the Spanish Civil War, this classic account of its background represents a struggle to see issues in Spanish politics objectively, despite the author's personal involvment. Written during and immediately after the Spanish Civil War, this classic account of its background represents a struggle to see issues in Spanish politics objectively, despite the author's personal involvment.

56 review for The Spanish Labyrinth: An Account of the Social and Political Background of the Spanish Civil War

  1. 4 out of 5

    Roy Lotz

    The Civil War was an appalling calamity in which every class and every party lost. The longer I live, work, and travel in Spain, the harder it is to believe that, less than a century ago, the entire country was torn apart by a bloody war. What set of circumstances could prompt a nation of ordinary, law-abiding people to explode into conflict and kill each other by the hundreds of thousands? This, of course, is just a specific version of a more general question: Why do people wage wars? I may The Civil War was an appalling calamity in which every class and every party lost. The longer I live, work, and travel in Spain, the harder it is to believe that, less than a century ago, the entire country was torn apart by a bloody war. What set of circumstances could prompt a nation of ordinary, law-abiding people to explode into conflict and kill each other by the hundreds of thousands? This, of course, is just a specific version of a more general question: Why do people wage wars? I may sound naïve, but I do find this perplexing—since, as Brenan points out, in the destruction wrought by war, especially modern war, there are only losers. Brenan’s work was one of the first serious analyses of the Civil War to be published (in 1943, just four years after the war’s conclusion), and has remained in print ever since. Nevertheless I was somewhat hesitant to read it. I found Brenan’s famous memoirs, South from Granada, to be underwhelming, so I assumed that this book would be as well. Happily I was mistaken. The Spanish Labyrinth is a comprehensive and penetrating work, easily one of the best books about the Civil War—or indeed about Spain—that I’ve had the pleasure of reading. This does not mean it is accessible. Brenan chose his title well. The events leading up to the Spanish Civil War are intrinsically complex. So many different parties were involved in the accelerating dance of political turmoil that even the most skilled popular writer would have trouble seamlessly weaving it all together. And Brenan, though a strong writer, was too close to the events described to even approach a popular account. As a result the book itself can feel labyrinthine—with valuable comments and data tucked away into footnotes, with several miniature appendices per chapter and a longer one at the end of the book, and a seemingly endless cast of characters, organizations, and movements. Certainly this book, like any excellent book, will repay careful rereading. Brenan’s take on the Civil War can be helpfully contrasted with that of George Orwell. Orwell, who was in Spain a matter of months and who never learned Spanish very well, saw the Spanish Civil War in terms of the wider struggle between the Right and the Left. For him, it was a straightforward class conflict between the poor workers and the rich fascists, a struggle that was playing out all over the globe. Brenan, on the other hand, who spoke fluent Spanish and who lived in Spain for decades, saw the war as a peculiarly Spanish affair; and his analysis focuses almost exclusively on internal factors. (Both authors, incidentally, did share a distaste for Gaudí’s Sagrada Familia.) Before the Civil War, political instability plagued Spain for generations. This was, in part, a consequence of economic backwardness; and this backwardness, in turn, had its roots deep in Spanish history—Spain’s commitment to New World gold at the expense of industrialization, and to merino wool at the expense of agriculture. (By the way, Spanish shepherds still hold onto their special privileges, which they demonstrate every year in the Fiesta de Transhumancia, during which sheep are herded straight through the center of Madrid.) The Church came to identify itself fully with the rich and powerful, alienating itself from the people. As a result, anti-clericalism has played nearly as big a role in Spanish history as the church itself. The army, meanwhile, through a series of pronuciamientos and coups d’etat, came to see itself as the guardian of traditional Spanish values, able and willing to topple any regimes they deemed unsatisfactory—and, as history amply shows, it is always bad news to have a politically active military. During all this time, Spain was plagued by a long-standing agrarian crisis. In one of Brenan’s most brilliant chapters, he details how different farming traditions sprung up in different regions of the country, partly in response to varying soil and climatic conditions. Unfortunately, many regions of Spain are—either from lack of rain or inferior soil—rather poor for agriculture; and distinct social arrangements (such as small-holding minifundios or large latifundios) are appropriate for these different climatic conditions. In the hot and dry south, for example, farms are usually quite large; and the work required is seasonal, not year-round. Since a small number of wealthy families controlled these large estates, the vast majority were left to subsist on badly-paid seasonal work, thus leading to inequality and violent political tension. (As I discovered from Gilmore's The People of the Plain, these agrarian problems persisted until the end of Franco's reign.) In addition to the inefficiency and inequality of Spanish agriculture, there was the ever-present problem of Spanish regionalism. Brenan follows Richard Ford and Ortega y Gasset in seeing regionalism as one of the defining features of Spanish political life. (Those watching the Catalan independence movement unfold today will be little disposed to disagree.) Spain is crisscrossed by several mountain ranges and sudden changes in elevation, thus leading to jarring climatic juxtaposition. I have experienced this myself: one moment I will be driving through a windswept mountain range, and the next I will be on the verdant coast. This is one culprit for the famous Spanish regionalism. Another is Spain’s history. When Isabel and Fernando were married, thus uniting all of Spain for the first time, their separate kingdoms, Castile and Aragon, had distinct political traditions. As the historian J.H. Elliott describes in his excellent book, Imperial Spain, the Castile of Isabel, with its history of centralized rule and its emphasis on military power, was bound to conflict with Catalonia’s history of liberalism and commercial capitalism. The industrial revolution further fueled these regional tensions, as Bilbao and Barcelona became heavily industrialized while the interior and the south remained mainly agricultural. These divisions in Spain—climatic, historical, and political—translated into splits in leftist movements in the years leading up to the Spanish Civil War. The fundamental split was between the socialists and the anarcho-syndicalists. The socialists tended to be more reformist, while the anarcho-syndicalists were straightforwardly revolutionary. Each party had its associated union, respectively the U.G.T. and the C.N.T., which most often refused to work with one another as they attempted to bring down the capitalist system using general strikes. Brenan’s histories of these movements—their origins, development, and leaders—constitutes the central portion of this book, and is absolutely first-rate. On the conservative side, in addition to the wealthy landowners and the Church—not to mention the army—there were the Monarchists and the Carlists. The presence of Monarchists, in a country which still had a king living in exile, requires no explanation. The Carlists, on the other hand, were a distinctly Spanish product. The death of Fernando VII, in 1833, set off a series of civil wars (the one in 1936 was hardly the first in Spain) between two contending lines to the throne. Those who supported the pretender Don Carlos became known as Carlists. Theoretically, Monarchists and Carlists were arch-nemeses; but since, by the 1930s, the last living Carlist claimant was old and without an heir, the distinction had worn thin. Trapped between these arch-conservative and revolutionary-leftist forces were a comparatively small group of liberals, who attempted to create a Republic in 1931. But they were doomed from the start. First, as Brenan notes, liberalism has historically had little appeal in Spain. What is more, the economic downturn—caused by the great depression—severely limited whatever resources the government had to work with. Meanwhile, forces from every side were determined to undermine or dismantle the nascent state. Go too far to appease one side, and they risked severe retaliation from the other. Threading its way between this Scylla and that Charybdis, the ship of state crashed and sank. From this rather pathetic summary, I hope you can at least get a taste of how complex a story Brenan had to tell. Climatic and cultural regions, revolutionary movements, workers' unions, political parties, the army, the Church, economical classes—all of these were involved in the conflagration. There do not even appear to be any outstanding individuals towards whom you can orient your gaze. Franco himself was notoriously uncharismatic. The final result is confusion—labyrinthine confusion—and given all this, Brenan did a terrific job in his analysis. The book is flawed, of course. Like Richard Ford, and like so many foreign writers, Brenan is pre-disposed to find some essential core to the “Spanish personality,” which can be used as a catch-all historical explanation. Most often these are crass stereotypes (Spaniards are lazy, excitable, etc.), or otherwise Romantic wishful thinking—for instance Brenan’s insistence on the Spanish abhorrence of the modern world. Another flaw is Brenan’s focus on the Left. Though his histories of socialism and anarcho-syndicalism are masterful, his analysis of the Right leaves a lot to be desired. One certainly does not get any clear picture of Franco’s program from these pages. Finally, by focusing so exclusively on Spain, Brenan ignores the wider international scope of the conflict. The rise of the communists from an obscure party to the most influential organization on the Republic side, for example, cannot be explained without turning one’s eye towards the Soviet Union. But it won’t do to dwell on these shortcomings. Given that this book was written, not by a professional historian but an amateur, and that it was written so soon after the conflict came to an end, it is a near miraculous achievement. I may not be any closer to understanding war in general; but I do think I’ve come a long way towards understanding this one.

  2. 4 out of 5

    Ming Lee

    This book is an interesting account of the Spanish Civil War, but one cannot read it as a solely history. Brenan, an Englishman, writes condescendingly about the Spanish people, making offensive sweeping generalizations about the lower classes, ones that if not read with a skepticism may be interpreted as fact. He adds his opinion without noting so, which is dangerous if you are not actively looking for it, and his imperialist tone shines though. Though he "fell in love with Spain," this book sh This book is an interesting account of the Spanish Civil War, but one cannot read it as a solely history. Brenan, an Englishman, writes condescendingly about the Spanish people, making offensive sweeping generalizations about the lower classes, ones that if not read with a skepticism may be interpreted as fact. He adds his opinion without noting so, which is dangerous if you are not actively looking for it, and his imperialist tone shines though. Though he "fell in love with Spain," this book shows his position as an outsider who never truly understood Spain.

  3. 5 out of 5

    Leah

    Gerald Brenan explains in his introduction that, having been there at the start of the Spanish Civil War, he wanted to understand what led to it, and preoccupied himself with studying this during the war. This book, first published in 1943, is the result, and is now considered a classic history of the period. My theory is that it takes at least fifty years before historians can tackle any period with the necessary objectivity to produce anything approaching “truth” – a term that will always be di Gerald Brenan explains in his introduction that, having been there at the start of the Spanish Civil War, he wanted to understand what led to it, and preoccupied himself with studying this during the war. This book, first published in 1943, is the result, and is now considered a classic history of the period. My theory is that it takes at least fifty years before historians can tackle any period with the necessary objectivity to produce anything approaching “truth” – a term that will always be disputed in relation to history. Writers who lived through events are generally unable to avoid two flaws: firstly, they assume their readers are familiar with the people and events of the period and therefore often don’t explain them well enough for future generations; and, secondly, the closer to events a writer is, the harder it is to avoid personal bias and opinion from distorting the story. Having said that, Brenan does his best to avoid bias and for the most part does a good job, but sometimes it’s clear that, like most British intellectuals of the time, his sympathies were with the left, and he tends to forgive their excesses more easily than those from the right. A bigger problem for me, as a newcomer to the period, was that he often left me struggling to follow timelines, or to work out the political alignment or even nationality of a particular person – he obviously assumed his contemporary readership would know these things from reading the news. Where Brenan excels is in his detailed breakdown of the background to the conflict, especially his explanation of why the various different regions in Spain developed differing political alignments dependant on local geographical, agricultural and industrial factors. While all were affected by the power plays amongst the monarchy, Church and military, he shows that the impact differed according to the economic and social history of each region. I found that I was gradually developing a map of the country in my mind, one that showed not simply where places were but what people did there – how they lived, were they wealthy or poor, who owned the land, was the land fertile, what were their local industries, and so on. He also shows how parts of Spain looked over the border towards Europe while other parts were still influenced by their Moorish past. This left me with a much better understanding not only of the drivers that led to the Civil War, but also, in fact, of the current demands for independence from some regions which are still part of Spanish politics today. He also delves into the rise of the various factions on the left, explaining why some turned to anarchism while others adopted socialism, etc., again showing how this arose out of local rather than national factors. Syndicalism, a form of trades unionism that was effective in industrialised centres, was less well-suited to rural areas, for example. He explains the Spanish form of anarchism well, making it seem like a reasonable idea rather than the kind of extreme bogeyman philosophy it tends to be seen as now. He does the same for the right, but it wasn’t so divided and so is easier on the whole to understand, and I suspect Brenan was more fascinated by the philosophies underpinning left than right, so he writes about them more deeply and interestingly. He also explains the rise of anti-clericalism, showing how over time the Church ceased to be seen as the champion of the poor and became instead the paid instrument of the rich and powerful, helping them to maintain social control, and thus leading to the hatred that would result in so many atrocities towards clerics. On occasion, he has a tendency to state an opinion as fact without supporting evidence, or to generalise about the “Spanish temperament” or the “Spanish psyche”, as if they were uniform things, which is a bit odd since the whole book is proving that Spain was a deeply fractured society at the time, region against region, philosophy against philosophy. And it’s easy with hindsight to scoff a little at those things he got wrong, as, for instance, when he suggests that Spaniards would never accept a dictatorship and that Franco’s regime would therefore be short-lived. As a right-wing dictator, he seems to see Franco in the same terms as Mussolini or Hitler, but future history would show distinct differences in Franco’s approach, which is probably why he survived into old age. But predicting the future is always difficult, and he doesn’t go too far down that line. In the epilogue, Brenan explains that he is writing too soon to give an account of the war itself. He mentions the atrocities and, while accepting that the left participated too, claims the number of executions carried out by the right were far greater – a claim that I believe is now disputed. Despite the small flaws I’ve mentioned, I found this a fascinating and hugely informative read, that has left me with a much better understanding of what led to the rise of the various factions, and why the drive towards war became seemingly unstoppable. I highly recommend it – its classic status is well deserved. However, I was glad I had already read Stanley G Payne’s The Spanish Civil War first – because it is a more conventional history written much more recently, I had some prior understanding without which I may have found myself floundering too deeply at those points where Brenan assumed existing knowledge. www.fictionfanblog.wordpress.com

  4. 4 out of 5

    Xan

    Imprescindible para conocer la historia política de España desde 1860 hasta la Guerra Civil. Se nota el paso del tiempo en algunos comentarios que hoy serían considerados condescendientes y ofensivos, pero la generosa bibliografía en la que se basa, los testimonios que recoge y las propias experiencias vividas por el autor merecen mantener este libro como un punto de partida para estudiar el siglo XX en España.

  5. 4 out of 5

    David Corleto-Bales

    Pretty dense history of the background to the Spanish Civil War, first published in 1943. I liked very much the descriptions of Spain's political and religious structure from the 16th to the 20th centuries and the role of the church, which was very powerful. A good model on how a falsely rich country became destitute and divided. Pretty dense history of the background to the Spanish Civil War, first published in 1943. I liked very much the descriptions of Spain's political and religious structure from the 16th to the 20th centuries and the role of the church, which was very powerful. A good model on how a falsely rich country became destitute and divided.

  6. 4 out of 5

    Flora

    A difficult but excellent work on socio-politico history of Spain. Update to modern times by pairing this with the recent one by Giles Tremlett for good understanding of Spain.

  7. 4 out of 5

    David

    The second star is just accumulated goodwill from "South from Granada". This one was virtually unreadable. The second star is just accumulated goodwill from "South from Granada". This one was virtually unreadable.

  8. 4 out of 5

    Dylan Vieites Glennon

    I really rather enjoyed reading this book - clearly from other's comments - I'm in a minority. Personally, when I started it, I struggled to put it down - though I have a passion for what the book covers. His writing style is certainly an interesting one, perhaps influenced by the fact he was on the edge of the Bloomsbury Group (I'm a big fan of) and how he is attempting to give a comprehensive account. It's a learned prose with a romantic tint in its descriptions such as, "[i]t was the tactic o I really rather enjoyed reading this book - clearly from other's comments - I'm in a minority. Personally, when I started it, I struggled to put it down - though I have a passion for what the book covers. His writing style is certainly an interesting one, perhaps influenced by the fact he was on the edge of the Bloomsbury Group (I'm a big fan of) and how he is attempting to give a comprehensive account. It's a learned prose with a romantic tint in its descriptions such as, "[i]t was the tactic of the bull fight - to provoke the animal to charge and charge until he was worn out, and then to kill him. There was a long tradition among the Spanish governing classes of how to break revolution. Indeed such arts contained for them the whole of politics."The detail is most certainly there, the "labyrinth" aspect of the title may as well refer to the book. Some of the best aspects are found in the footnotes, and you're constantly flicking between maps and appendices and back to the text. It is, of course, one of the first serious analyses to be published on the civil war having been written during and immediately after the civil war. My greatest struggle when deliberating over the book is the fact it can never be called an impartial book. Even in his preface, Brenan admits so much, and perhaps this makes it even better - we understand where he is coming from in contrast to other's writing with a hidden bias. Furthermore, I'm also sympathetic to his way of thinking and his own attitudes though not necessarily his scathing attacks on the Liberals for their anti-clericalism. Before writing this review, I scribbled some notes down on blank A4 - though just like the erratic nature of the novel, they took up four pages and seemed to lack a certain level of clarity. I guess that's the struggle the author had when ascertaining where to start in order to explain the Spanish Civil War because that was clearly his main aim. The book, as set out by the author, is split into three parts: the old regime, the condition of the working classes, and the rise and decline of the Republic. Though he doesn't just constrain himself to these three parts rather he jumps around incessantly and dabbles in other histories to try to explain his case such as Oliver Cromwell or the Jacobins. You could well argue there is a certain degree of historical determinism found in this book. The Agrarian question is very much important in the climactic and geographic division. Brenan focuses on historic Spain united by Isabel and Fernando's marriage but still hugely divided between the world of Castile and Aragon. The south mainly stayed agricultural whilst the Basque region and Catalonia took on industrialisation. Though, these things happened differently to the rest of Western Europe since Spain managed to avoid the industrial revolution and thus the Great Reform Act of 1832 found in Britain. As a direct cause of this, it was Brits who had something to cling to and thus no desire for revolution unlike in Spain where "religion had meant so much to the poor that they were left with the hunger for something to replace it [that being ideology]". The nature of Spain was different. Even in regard to war and fighting, Brenan places the pacifism of Spain in WWI to the loss of Cuba and Puerto Rica in the late 19th century to America. The army is also an interesting one, it believed it should be the Guardian of Spanish values which thus made it political - and a political army is really not the answer. It must be remembered that Spain was absolutely wracked with political problems prior to the civil war. Alternating between monarchy, dictatorship and the republic. The author very much seemed to romantasise the dictatorship under Primo de Rivero - and trying to rationalise why he supported the socialists. The different parties and how they amassed power is also rather confusing but helpfully explained within the novel. The Church is also an interesting one, it historically had different roles in different places sometimes the monks cozying up with the peasants against the landowners and in other areas cozying up with the landowners against the peasants. Yet, ultimately it transitioned to supporting the rich and powerful since they'd serve it's interests and supporting the coup. The book resides next to me coated in highlights and annotations, I'll prevent myself from boring you with the detail. Unlike Orwell, Brenan had a much deeper understanding of Spanish society resonating from his lived experience having moved there after World War I to live on his army pension. As a direct cause of this, his familiarity with Spain makes his work make much more sense for exploring the social and political background of Spain in contrast to Orwell. For example, when I read Orwell's Homage to Catalonia the author didn't seem, to me, to know what it was he was writing about - and he lacked a clarity because of this. He also seemed to have a much greater naivety in understanding Spanish politics and the history of Catalonia which also didn't help with the book. Thus, having read Brenan's work, I seem to understand Homage to Catalonia to a greater extent than previously dound - e.g. the relentless acronyms of different groups and the anarcho-syndacylists have meaning.

  9. 4 out of 5

    Yavadan

    Hace años mi mujer me recomendó este libro, hasta hace poco no lo he hecho y no puedo estar más contento narra una época de la historia de España que todos deberíamos conocer.

  10. 4 out of 5

    Eseuteo

    Está wapo. Gerald Brenan; buen escritor, mejor aulario.

  11. 4 out of 5

    Paul Kelly

    Gerald Brenan wrote the excellent "South from Granada" and his knowledge of Spain is indisputable. Do not expect this book to be anything like the biographical read of his time in Yegen , the Alpujarras and his association with the Bloomsbury group. I have read quite a few books on the Spanish Civil war and I really found this to be the dullest. I was very disappointed because I was expecting the prose to be familiar and a story as opposed to a very uninteresting litany of possible causes to the Gerald Brenan wrote the excellent "South from Granada" and his knowledge of Spain is indisputable. Do not expect this book to be anything like the biographical read of his time in Yegen , the Alpujarras and his association with the Bloomsbury group. I have read quite a few books on the Spanish Civil war and I really found this to be the dullest. I was very disappointed because I was expecting the prose to be familiar and a story as opposed to a very uninteresting litany of possible causes to the conflict. Avoid this one unless you're a Brenan purist.

  12. 5 out of 5

    Ruboslav

    Como siempre me pasa con los libros de sociopolítica histórica, acabo aburriéndome. No obstante, este libro en concreto hace, para mí, una acertada visión de la España de esa época. Recomendado para quien quiera conocer la situación que propició la guerra civil.

  13. 4 out of 5

    Oliver

    I wanted to rate this lower but the chances are if you've picked up this book it's because you have a deep interest in the mess which was Spanish politics prior to the Civil War. This book is hard to read, very hard in fact. Don't read this just because you liked South from Granada, this is a whole different kettle of fish. I am a Spanish A Level teacher and it was a laborious read which I often didn't enjoy but I now benefit from a pretty comprehensive knowledge of all the factions involved in I wanted to rate this lower but the chances are if you've picked up this book it's because you have a deep interest in the mess which was Spanish politics prior to the Civil War. This book is hard to read, very hard in fact. Don't read this just because you liked South from Granada, this is a whole different kettle of fish. I am a Spanish A Level teacher and it was a laborious read which I often didn't enjoy but I now benefit from a pretty comprehensive knowledge of all the factions involved in the precursor to the war.

  14. 5 out of 5

    Eduardo Fort

    Obra pionera entre las que analizan las causas y orígenes sociopolíticos de la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939). Gerald Brenan (1894-1987) se estableció en España y se convirtió en uno de los observadores más agudos de la sociedad ibérica.

  15. 5 out of 5

    Caro

    He's a good writer, but if you liked Brenan's South From Granada, be prepared that this is very different: dense, richly detailed, and complicated. I gave up after 100 pages because I need a simpler intro to the Spanish Civil War. He's a good writer, but if you liked Brenan's South From Granada, be prepared that this is very different: dense, richly detailed, and complicated. I gave up after 100 pages because I need a simpler intro to the Spanish Civil War.

  16. 4 out of 5

    Wii

    Cuenta las claves del golpe de estado de 1936 y la guerra civil que se desató al fracasar. Fue el libro que me explicó la vulgaridad de España, que me explicaba porqué el país era un cuartel con muchos barrios llenos de militares con bigotito franquista, espacios atroces.

  17. 5 out of 5

    Georgina Thynne

    A brilliant account of the social and political background of the Spanish Civil War that 50 years' on is still highly relevant for understanding today's democratic Spain with its autonomous regions and separatist movements. I just wish I could remember to whom I lent my copy, as they haven't given it back! A brilliant account of the social and political background of the Spanish Civil War that 50 years' on is still highly relevant for understanding today's democratic Spain with its autonomous regions and separatist movements. I just wish I could remember to whom I lent my copy, as they haven't given it back!

  18. 4 out of 5

    Lc

    Excellent book on the root causes of the Spanish civil war, although slightly gossipy and some use of Marxist language. To read in combination with Anthony Beevor's military account, Bartholomé Bennassar's biography on Franco and George Orwell's work. Excellent book on the root causes of the Spanish civil war, although slightly gossipy and some use of Marxist language. To read in combination with Anthony Beevor's military account, Bartholomé Bennassar's biography on Franco and George Orwell's work.

  19. 5 out of 5

    Robert Jerome

    This is an invaluable account of the political views preceding the Spanish civil war. The author makes a great argument as to how the various views arose regionally based of the mode of life in each region of Spain.

  20. 4 out of 5

    Caroline

    I didn't manage to finish the book as I fear I'll never get to grips with Spanish history however its as good a place as any to start if thats your thing. There was an unpleasant undertone to the book with regard to his attitude to the Spanish people I felt.. I didn't manage to finish the book as I fear I'll never get to grips with Spanish history however its as good a place as any to start if thats your thing. There was an unpleasant undertone to the book with regard to his attitude to the Spanish people I felt..

  21. 4 out of 5

    Jesus

    Superb description of Spain in the years before the civil war (covers about a century). Very enlightening for me Spaniard of the forces fighting for and having the power in the 20th century... and still today. ¡Gracias don Gerardo!

  22. 4 out of 5

    Alba

    Y éste también lo dejo, por el mismo motivo.

  23. 4 out of 5

    Blessy Abraham

    Well-written but this book is a huge mess with regard to methodology and chronology

  24. 4 out of 5

    Chris Pollard

    Good overview of the situations leading up to the Civil War

  25. 4 out of 5

    Henri Troppmann

    Very good, amazing prose, sort of idiosyncratic. Very interesting take on Spanish Anarchism. Definitely worth reading.

  26. 5 out of 5

    alex

    Interesting if faulty (due to it being written only a few years after the war had ended) background study of the political malaise in Spain before the civil war.

  27. 4 out of 5

    Jonathan

  28. 5 out of 5

    Anna Campos

  29. 5 out of 5

    Luis Frauca remacha

  30. 5 out of 5

    Liz

  31. 5 out of 5

    Charles Nicholas Saenz

  32. 4 out of 5

    Gideon Crevoshay

  33. 5 out of 5

    Tony

  34. 5 out of 5

    Nick Black

  35. 5 out of 5

    Dutcher

  36. 4 out of 5

    Chris

  37. 5 out of 5

    Netleaper

  38. 5 out of 5

    Clackamas

  39. 4 out of 5

    Jonah

  40. 4 out of 5

    Miguel

  41. 4 out of 5

    Todd

  42. 5 out of 5

    Kristin

  43. 5 out of 5

    Norrie

  44. 4 out of 5

    Cathy

  45. 4 out of 5

    Meg

  46. 5 out of 5

    Íñigo

  47. 4 out of 5

    Vanadiumo

  48. 4 out of 5

    Dottie

  49. 4 out of 5

    Michael

  50. 4 out of 5

    Mark

  51. 5 out of 5

    Asouthcott

  52. 4 out of 5

    Denise

  53. 4 out of 5

    D

  54. 5 out of 5

    Drew

  55. 5 out of 5

    Tim

  56. 5 out of 5

    Lluís

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